psshbh 
gpfl 


iilllllll 


H 


^m  ■ 


ffiS/m 


■P 


^^B^^^H 


■•*wti 


BH  s§*i^v 


■"HI 


maaKm 


././/■/./ 


ftlT 


JK^ 

4§ 

5? 

j 

-5 

CD 

it 

*** 

3 

r-^                  ^~i 

c3 

; 

w 

CD 

U      ri 

13 

o 

j; 

~      S 

ctf 

<L»                    O 

"  Z 

^                    £ 

3 

^                   g 

M- 

o 

"ft 

8                     k' 

<*                  M 

o 

.S>                     M                      "^ 

J*           ■     « 

■I-1 

.*»       .5       "S 

+*            P4 

o 

_<d 

QJ    3    1 

M-* 

~o 

. 

O 

U 

&t 

** 

5* 

** 

& 

•#) 

£< 

'fc     _J 

/- 


I H58- 


I 


SOME 

Historical  Account 

O     F 

GUINEA, 

Its  Situation,  Produce  and  the  general  Dil- 
pofition  of  its  Inhabitants. 

WITH 

An  inquiry  into  the  Rife  and  Progrefs  of  the 
Slave-Trade,  its  Nature  and  lament- 
able Effects. 

ALSO 

A  Re-publication  of  the  Sentiments  of  feve- 
ral  Authors  of  Note,  on  this  interefting 
Subject ;  particularly  an  Extratt  of  a 
Treatife,  by  Granville  Sharp. 

— \ — 

By  Anthony    Benezet, 

A  els  xvii.   24,   26.     God  that  ??iade   the  World hath 

made  of  one  Blood  all  Nations  of  Men,  for  to  dwell  on  all 
the  Face  of  the  Earth,  and  hath  determined  the  Bounds 
of  their  Habitation, 

Eccles*  viii.  1 1 .  Becaufe  Sentence  again/1  an  evil  Work  is 
not  executed  fpeedily,  therefore  the  Heart  of  the  Sons  of 
Men  is  fully  fei  in  them  to  do  Evil, 

Deut .  xxxii.  34.  Is  not  this  laid  up  in  Store  with  me  and 
fealed  up  among  my  Treafure.  To  vie  belongtth  Vengeance 
and  Recomptnce,  their  Foot  fl?all  Jlide  in  due  Time,  for  the 
Day  of  their  Calamity  is  at  Hand  ;  and  the  Things  that 
fhall  come  upon  them  make  hafte. 

PHILADELPHIA :  Printed  by  Joseph   Cruk- 

shank,  in  Third- dree  t,  oppofite  the  Workhoufc. 

M,DCC>LXXI. 


CONTENTS. 


A 


CHAPTER  I. 

G E NE RAL  account  of  Guinea  ; 
particularly  t h of e parts  on  the  rivers  Sene- 
gal and  Gambia.  Page  I 


C  H  A  P.  II. 

Account  of  the  Ivory-Coaft,  the  Gold-Coaft 
and  the  Slave- Coaft.  17 

CHAP.  III. 

Of  the  kingdoms  of  Benin,    Kongo  and  An- 

1  Sola-  35 

CHAP.  IV. 

Guinea,  firfl  dif covered  and  fid) due d  by  the 
Arabians.  The  Portuguefe  make  defcents 
on  the  coaft  and  carry  off  the  natives.  Qp- 
prejfon  of  the  Indians  ;  De  la  Cafa  pleads 
their  caufe.  41 

CHAP.  V. 

TheJLngliih'sfrf}  trade  to  the  coafl  of  Guinea  : 
Violently  carry  offfome  of  the  Negroes.  5  2 

CHAP.  VI. 

Slavery    more    tolerable    under     Pagans    and 

Turks 


CONTENTS- 

Turks  than  in  the  colonies.    As  chriflianity 
prevailed  ancient  Jlavery  declined.  63, 

CHAP.  VII. 

Montefquieu's  fentiments  of  Jlavery.     Mor- 
gan Godwyn's    advocacy  on  behalf  of  Ne- 
groes and  Indians ',  &c.  7  2 
CHAP.  VIII. 

Grievous  treatment  of  the  Negroes  in  the  colo- 
nies, &c.  85 
CHAP.  IX. 

Dejire  of  gain  the  true  motive  of  the  Slave  trade. 
Mi/reprefentation  of  the  flate  of  the  Negroes 
in  Guinea.  96 

CHAP.  X. 

State  of  the  Government  in  Guinea,  &c.      105 

CHAP.  XI. 

Accounts  of  the  cruel  methods  ufed  in  carrying  on 
of  the  Slave  trade,  &c.  1 1 1 

CHAP.  XIL 

Ext  rafts  of  fever a  I  voyages  to  the  coafl  ofGv\~ 

nea,  &c.  118 

CHAP.  XIII. 

Numbers    of   Negroes,     yearly    brought  from 

Guinea,  by  the  Englifli,  &c.  128 

CHAP.  XIV. 

Obfervations  on  the  fituation  and  difpcfition  of 
the  Negroes  in  the  northern  colonies,  &c.    132 

CHAP. 


CONTENTS. 

CHAP.  XV. 

Europeans  capable  of  bearing  reafonable  la- 
bour in  the  Weft  Indies,  &c.  141 

Extracts  from   Granville  Sharp'/  reprefenta- 
-  tions,  &c. 

Sentiments  of  fever  al  author s9  viz.  George 
Wallace,  Francis  Hutchefon,  and  James 
Fofter. 

Extracts  of  an  addrefs  to  the  affembly  of  Vir- 
ginia. 

Extraft  of  the  bifbop  of  GloucefterV  fermon. 


ERRATUM. 

Page  6  line  19.  For  four  or  five  thoufand   miles, 
read  three  or  four  thoufand. 


INTRODUCTION. 


T 


"'HE  flavery  of  the  Negroes 
having,  of  late,  drawn  the 
attention  of  many  ferious  minded 
people  ;  feveral  tracts  have  been 
publilTied  fetting  forth  its  inconfif- 
tancy  with  every  chriftian  and  mo- 
ral virtue,  which  its  hoped  will 
have  weight  with  the  judicious  ; 
efpecially  at  a  time  when  the  liber- 
ties of  mankind  are  become  fo 
much  the  fubject  of  general  atten- 
tion. For  the  fatisfaction  of  the 
ferious  enquirer  who  may  not  have 
the  opportunity  of  feeing  thofe 
tracts,  and  fuch  others  who  are 
ilncerely  defirous  that  the  iniquity 
of  this  practice  may  become  effec- 
tually apparent,  to  thofe  in  whofe 

power 


C-ffl   3. 

power  it  may  be,  to  put  a  ftop  to 
any  farther  progrefs  therein ;  it  is 
propofed,  hereby,  to  republifh  the 
molt  material  parts  of  faid  tracts  ; 
and  in  order  to  enable  the  reader  to 
form  a  true  judgment  of  this  mat- 
ter, which,  tho'  fo  very  important, 
is  generally  difregarded ;  or  fo  art- 
fully mifreprefented  by  thofe  whofe 
antereft  leads  them  to  vindicate  it, 
as  to  bias  the  opinions  of  people 
otherwife  upright ;  fome  account 
will  be  here  given  of  the  diffe- 
rent parts  of  Africa,  from  which 
the  Negroes  are  brought  to  Ame- 
rica; with  an  impartial  relation 
from  what  motives  the  Europeans 
were  firft  induced  to  undertake, 
and  have  fince  continued  this  ini- 
quitous traffic.  And  here  it  will 
not  be  improper  to  premife,  that 

tho' 


[     *»    T 

tno*  wars  ariiino;  from  the  common 
ravity  of  human  nature,  have 
pened,  as  well  among  the  Ne- 
csas  other  nations  and  the  weak 
ibmetimes  been  made  captives 
to  the  ftrong;  yet  nothing  ap- 
pears, in  the  various  relations  of 
the  intercourfe  and  trade,  for  a 
long  time,  carried  on  by  the  Eu- 
ropeans, on  that  coaft,  which 
would  induce  us  to  believe,  that 
there  is  any  rearfoundation  for 
that  argument,  fo  commonly  ad- 
vanced, in  vindication  of  that  trade 
viz.  u  That  the  flavery  of the  Ne- 
"  groes  took  its  rife  from  a  deftre, 
"  in  the  par  chafers,  tofavethe  lives 
"  ofJv<b  of  them  as  were  taken  cap « 
f*  fives  in  ivar,  who  would  otherivi/c 
11  have  been  facrificcd  to  the  impla- 
¥..  cable  revenge  of  their  conquerors!' 

A 


[      iv      ] 

A  plea  which  when  compared  with 
the  hiftory  of  thofe  times,  will  ap- 
pear to  be  deftitute  of  Truth ; 
and  to  have  been  advanced,  and 
urged,  principally  byfuch  as  were 
concerned  in  reaping  the  gain  of  this 
infamous  traffic,  as  a  paliation  of 
that,  againft  which  their  own  reafon 
and  confcience,  mull  have  raifed 
fearful  objections. 


Some  Hiftorical  Account  &c; 


CHAP.  I. 

GUINEA  affords  an  e&fy  Living 

to  its  Inhabitants,  with  but  little  Toil. 
The  Climate  agrees  well  with  the  Natives;, 
but  extreamly  un^ealthful  to  the  Europe- 
ans. Produces  Provifions  in  the  greateft 
Plenty.  Simplicity  of  their  Houfholdry. 
The  Coaft  of  Guinea  defcribed  from  the 
River  Senegal  to  the  Kingdom  of  Angola. 
The  Fruitfulnefs  of  that  Part  lying  on 
and  between  the  two  oreat  Rivers  Sena- 
gal  and  Gambia.  Account  of  the  diffe- 
rent Nations  fettled  there.  Order  of  Go- 
vernment amongft  the  Jalofs.  Good  Ac- 
count of  fome  of  the  Fuiis.  The*Mandi- 
gos ;  their  ManagementjGovernment,  &c« 
Their  Woriliip.  .  M.  Adanfon's  Account 
of  thofe  Countries.  Surprizing  Vegetati- 
on. Pleafant  Appearance  of  the  Country. 
He  found  the  Natives  very  fcciable  and 
obliging. 

"H  E  N  the  Negroes  are  confidered 
barely  in  their  preient  abject  ftate 
of  flavery,    broken  spirited  and  deje&ed  * 

a&d 


(  * } 

and  too  eafy  credit  is  given  to  the  account* 
we  frequently  hear  or  read  of  their  barba- 
rous and  favage  way  of  living  in  their  own 
country  ;  we  mall  be  naturally  induced  to> 
look  upon  them  as  incapable  of  improve- 
ment, deftitute,  miferable,  and  infenfible  of 
the  benefits  of  life  ;  and  that  our  permitting 
them  to  live  amongft  us,  even  on  the  molt 
oppreffive  terms,  is  to  them  a  favour  \  but 
on  impartial  enquiry,  the  cafe  will  appear  to, 
be  far  otherwife;  wefhallfind  that  there  is 
fcarce  a  country  in  the  whole  world,  that 
is  better  calculated  for  affording  the  neceflary 
comforts  of  life  to  its  inhabitants,  with  lefs 
foiicitude  and  toil,  than  Guinea,  j^nd  that 
notwithfianding  the  long  converfe  of  many 
of  its  inhabitants  with'  (often)  the  worft  of 
the  Europeans,  they  ftiil  retain  a  great  deal 
of  innocent  fimplicity  ;  and  when  not  ftirred 
up  to  revenge  from  the  frequent  abufesthey 
have  received  from  the  Europeans  in  general ; 
manifeii  themfelves  to  be  a  humane,  fociable 
people,  whofe  faculties  are  as  capable  of  im- 
ement  as  thofe  of  other  people  ;  and 
that  their  ceconomy  and  government  is,  in 
many  refpecrs,  commendable.  Hence  it  ap- 
pears they  might  have  lived  happy,  if  not 
diftu-rbed  by  the  Europeans ;  more  efpecially^ 
if  thefelaft  had  ufed  fuch  endeavours  as  their 
chiiilianprofeffion  requires,  to  communicatq 
to     the  ignorant    Africans      that  fuperior 

knowledge 


(  3  ) 
knowledge  which  providence  had  favoured 
them  with.  In  order  to  fet  this  matter  in 
its  true  light,  and  for  the  information  of 
thofe  well  minded  people  who  are  defirous 
of  being  fully  acquainted  with  the  merits  of 
a  ca,ufe,  whichis  of  theutmoft  confequence;. 
as  therein  the  lives  and  happinefs  of  thou- 
fands  and  hundreds  of  thoufands  of  our  fel- 
low men  have  fallen,  and  are  daily  falling  a 
facrifice  to  felfifh  avarice,  and  ufurped  pow- 
er, I  will  here  give  forue  account  of  the  fe-. 
veral  divifions  of  thofe  parts  of  Africa,  from 
whence  the  Negroes  are  brought,  with  a 
fummary  of  their  produce  ;  the  difpofition 
of  their  refpeftive  inhabitants  ;  their  im- 
provements, &c  &c.  extra&ed  from  authors, 
of  credit ;  moftly  fuch  as  have  been  principal 
officers  in  the  Englifh,  French  and  Dutch 
factories,  and  who  refided  many  years  in 
thofe  countries.  But  firft  it  is  neceffary  to. 
premife,  as  a  remark  generally  applicable  to 
the  whole  coaft  of  Guinea,  "  That  the  AU 
"  mighty  who  has  determined  and  appointed  the 
"  bounds  of  the  habitation  of  men  on  the  face  of 
"  the  earth"  in  the  manner  that  is  moft  con- 
ducive to  the  well  being  of  their  different 
natures  and  difpoiitions  has  fo  ordered  it 
that  altho'  Guinea  is  extreamly  unhealthy  * 
to 

*  Gentleman  s  Magazine",  S7ip'/>Iemen79"iy6^. ~  Extra, 1  of  a 
letter  wot e  from  the  ijand  of  Senegal  by  Mr.  Borne 
praciithner  of  phyfc  there,  to  Dr.  BrockUJby  of  London. 

«  To 


(    4    ) 
to   the  Europeans,  of  whom  many  thou- 
fands  have  met  there  with  a  miferable  and 

untimely 

"  To  form  a  juft  idea  of  theunhealthinefs  of  the  cli- 
"  mate,  it  will  be  neceflary  to  conceive  a  country  extend- 
"  ing  three  hundred  leagues  eaft,  and  more  to  the 
i(  north  and  fouth.  Thro'  this  country  feveral  large 
«c  rivers  empty  themfelves  into  the  fea  ;  particular- 
(<  \y  the  Sanaga,  Gambia  and  Sherbro  ;  thefe  du- 
c<  ring  the  rainy  months,  which  begin  in  July,  and 
<<  continue  till  O&ober,  overflow  their  banks  and  lay 
f*  the  whole  flat  country  under  water  ;  and  indeed,. 
"  the  very  fudden  rife  of  thefe  rivers  is  incredible, 
<•'  to  perfons  who  have  never  been  within  the  tropicks 
cc  and  are  unacquainted  with  the  violent  rains  that 
•s  fall  there.  At  Galem,  nine  hundred  miles  from 
"  the  mouth  of  the  Sanaga,  lam  informed  that  the 
<<  Waters  rife  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet  perpendicular 
"  from  the  bed  of  the  river.  This  information  I  re- 
"  ceived  from  a  gentleman,  who  was  furgeon's  mate- 
«<  to  a  party  fent  there,  and  the  only  furvivor  of  three 
"  captains  command,  each  confuting  of  one  captain, 
"  two  lieutenants,  one  enfign,  a  furgeon's  mate,  three 
■f   ferj  cants,  three  corporals  and  fifty  privates. 

"  When  the  rains  are  at  an  end  which  ufually- 
«  happens  in  October,  the  intenfe  heat  of  the  Sua 
"  foon  dries  up  the  waters,  which  lie  on  the  higher 
««  parts  of  the  earth,  and  the  remainder  forms  lakes 
<<  of  fta^nated  waters,  in  which  are  found  all  forts 
fr  of  dead  animals  :  Thefe  waters  every  day  decreafe 
"  till  at  laft  they  are  quite  exhaled  and  then  the  ef- 
<c  flavia  that  arifes  is  almoft  infuppor table.  At  this 
«<<  feafon,  the  winds  blow  fo  very  hot  from  oif  the 
<  land,  that  I  can  compare  them  to  nothing  but  the 
%*  heat  proceeding  from  the  mouth  of  an  oven.  This 
'<  occafions  the  Europeans  :o  be  forely  vexed  with  bi- 

♦<  1 


(  5  ) 
untimely  end,  yet  it  is  not  fo  with  the  Ne- 
groes who  enjoy  a  good  date  of  health  -j-  and 
are  able  to  procure  to  themfelves  a  comfort- 
able fubfiftance;  with  much  lefs  care  and  toil 
than  is  neceflary  in  our  more  northern  cli- 
mate ;  which  laft  advantage  arifes,  not  only 
from  the  warmth  of  the  climate,  but  alfo' 
from  the  overflowing  of  the  rivers,  where- 
by the  land  is  regularly  moiftned  and  ren- 
dered extremely  fertile  ;  and  being  in  many 
places  improved  by  culture,  abounds  with 
grain  and  fruits,  cattle,  poultry,  &c.  The 
earth  yields  all  the  year  a  frefh  fupply  of 
food  :  Few  clothes  are  requilite  and  little 
art  neceflary  in  making  them ;  or  in  the 
conftruction  of  their  houfes,  which  are  very 

fimple, 

(t  lious  and  putrid  fevers.  From  this  account  you 
"  will  not  be  furprized,  that  the  total  lofs  of  Britlfh 
"  fubjects  in  this  ifland  only,  amounted  to  above  two 
"  thoufand  fivehundred  in  the  fpace  of  three  years 
"  that  I  was  there,  in  fuch  a  putrid  rnoift  air  as  1  have 
"  defcribed. 

f  James  Barbot,  agent  general  to  the  French  Af- 
rican company,  in  his  account  of  Africa,  page  105, 
fays,  "  The  natives  are  feldom  troubled  with  any 
«'  diftempers,  being  little  afFedled  with  the  unhealthy 
"  air;  in  tempeftuous  times  they  keep  much  within 
"  doors,  and  when  expofed  to  the  weather  their  fkins 
€i  being  fuppled  and  pores  clofed  by  daily  anointing 
<<  with  palm  oyl,  the  weather  cail  make  but  little  ina- 
m  predion  on  them." 


(     6    ) 
Ample,  principally  calculated  to  defend  them 
from  the     tempeftuous  feafons    and    wild 
beads ;  a  few  dry  reeds  covered  with  matts 
ferve  to:  their  beds.     Thee  irniture, 

except  what  belongs  to  cookery-  gives  the 
women  but  little  trouble  ;  the  moveables  of 
the  greajteft  among  them  amounting  only  to 
a  few  earthen  pots,  feme  wooden  utenfils 
and  gourds  or  calabaflies  ;  from  thefe  laft5 
which  grow  almoflT naturally  over  their  hutsy 
to  which  they  afford  an  agreeable  fhade? 
they  are  abundantly  ftock't  with:  good  clean 
veifels  for  moft  houfhold  ufe,  being  of  dif- 
ferent iizes,  from  half  a  pint  tofeveral  gal- 
lons. 

That  part  of  Africa  from  which  the  Ne- 
groes are  fold  to  be  carried  into  flavery, 
commonly  known  by  the  name  of  Guinea, 
extends  along  the  coaft  fAflgf  or-fiw  thoufand 
miles.  Beginning  at  the  river  Senegal,  fitu- 
ate  about  the  17  th  degree  of  north  latitude, 
being  the  nearelt  part  of  Guinea,  as  well  to 
Europe,  as  to  North  America ;  from  thence 
to  the  river  Gambia,  andinafoutherlycourfe 
to  cape  Sierra  Lecna,  comprehends  a  coaft 
of  about  feven  hundred  Miles  ;  being  the 
fame  tracl  for  which  Queen  Elizabeth  grant- 
ed charters  to  the  the  firft  traders  to  that 
coaft:  From  Sierra  Leona,  the  land  of  Gui- 
nea takes  a  turn  to  the  eaftward,  extending 
that  courfe  about  fifteen  hundred  miles,  in- 
cluding 


(  7  ) 
eluding  thofe  feveral  divifions  known  by  the 
name  of  the  Grain  Coafl  ;  the  Ivory  Coaft ;  the 
Gold  Coafl  and  the  Slave  Coafl,  with  the  large 
kingdom  of  Benin.  From  thence  the  land  runs 
fouthward  along  the  coaft  about  twelve 
hundred  miles,  which  contains  the  kingdoms 
of  Congo  and  Angola ;  there  the  trade  fot 
flaves  ends.  From  which  to  the  fouther- 
moft  cape  of  Africa,  called  the  cape  of  Good 
Hope,  the  country  is  fettled  by  CafFers  and 
Hottentots  :  Who  have  never  been  concern* 
ed  in  the  making  or  felling  Haves. 

Of  the  parts  which  are  above  defcribed, 
the  firft  which  prefents  itfelf  to  view,  is  that 
fituate  on  the  great  river  Senegal,  which  is 
fatd  to  be  navigable  more  than  a  thoufand 
miles,  and  is  by  travellers,  defcribed  to  be 
very  agreeable  and  fruitful.  Andrew  Brue 
principal fa£tor  for  the  French  African  com- 
pany, who  lived  fixteen  years  in  that  coun- 
try, after  defcribing  its  fruitfulnefs  and 
plenty,  near  the  Sea,  adds  J "  th^  farther 
"  you  go  from  the  Sea,  the  country  on  the 
"  river  feems  the  more  fruitful  and  well  im- 
"  -proved ;  abounding  with  Indian  corn, 
"  pulfe,  fruit  &c.  Here  are  vaft  meadows, 
"  which  feed  large  herds  of  great  and  fmall 
"  cattle,  and  poultry  numerous :  The  vil- 
"  lages  that  lie  thick  on  the  river,  fhew  the 
"  country  is  well  peopled."  The  fame  au- 
thor 

J  Aftley's  coUca.  vol.  sf  page  46. 


(     8     ) 
thor  in  the  account  of  a  voyage  he  made  up 
the  river  Gambia,  the  mouth  of  which  lyes 
about  three  hundred  miles  fouth  of  the  Se- 
negal, and  is   navigable  about  fix  hundred 
miles  up  the  country,  fays  Jj  "  That  he  was 
H  furprized  to  fee  the  land  fo  well  cultiva- 
"  ted  ;    fcare  a  fpot  lay  unimproved,    the 
"  lowlands,  divided  by  fmall  canals,  were 
c<  all  fowed  with  rice  &c.  the  higher  ground 
"  planted    with    millet,    indian  corn    and 
"  peafe  of  different  forts ;  their  beef  excel- 
"  lent ;    poultry  plenty  and  very  cheap  as 
"  well  as  all  other  neceifaries  of  life."  Fran- 
cis Moor,  who  was  fen t  from  England  about 
the  year  1735,  in  the  fervice  of  the  African 
company,  and  refided  at  James  fort  on  the 
river  Gambia,  or  in  other  factories  on  that 
river  about  five  years,    confirms  the  above 
account  of  the  fruitfulnefs  of  the  country. 
William  Smith  who  was  fent  in  the  year 
172  6,  by  the  African  company,  to  furvey  their 
fettlements  thro'outthe  whole  coaft  of  Gui- 
nea, f  fays,  "  The  country  about  the  Gam- 
"  bia  is  pleafant  and  fruitful ;  provifions  of 
c-  all    kinds    being   plenty   and  exceeding 
"  cheap."     The  country  on  and   between 
the  two  abovementioned  rivers  is  large  and 
extenfive,     inhabited  principally   hj  thefe 
three  Negro  nations  known  by  the  name  of 
Jalofs,    Fulis  andMandingos.      The  Jalofs 

poffefs 

"|  Aitley's  Collection  ot  voyages, vol.   2,  page  86. 
f  William  Smka's  voyage  to  Guinea,  page  31,  34. 


(     9    ) 
pofiefs  the  middle  of  the  country,  The  Full*; 
principal  fettlement  is  on  both  fides  of  the 
Senegal;  great  numbers  of thefe people  are 
aifo  mixed  with  the  Mandingos  ;  which  laft 
are  moftly  fettled  on  both  fides  the  Gambia. 
The  Government  of  the  Jalofs  is  reprefented 
as  under  a  better  regulation  than,  can  be  ex- 
peeled  from  the  common  opinion  we  enter- 
tain  of  the  Negroes,  We  are  told  in  the  Col-. 
"  lection,  *  That  the  King  has  under  him  fe- 
"  veralminiftersof  ftatewho  affift  him  in  the 
"  exercife  of  juftice.  The  grand  Jerafo  is  the 
M  chief  juftice  thro5  allthe  King's  dominions, 
*  andgoesin  circuitfromtimetotimetohear 
"  complaints  and  determine  controveriies. 
cs  The  King's  treafurer  exercifes  the  fame  em- 
"  ployment,  and  has  under  him  Alkairs,  who 
"  are    governors    of     towns    or    villages. 
cc  That  the  Kondi  or  vice  Roy  goes  the  circuit 
"  with  the  chief  juftice  both  to  hear  caufes 
"  and  infped-  into  the  behaviour  of  the  AU 
"  kadi  or  chief  magiftrate  of  every  village  in 
"  their   feveral  diftrictsf."     Vafconcetti  an 
author  mentioned   in   the   collection  fays, 
*£  The  ancienteft   are  preferred  to  be  the 
"  Prince's    counfei/crs,    who  keep  always  a- 
"  bout    his    perfon,    and  the  men  of  moft 
4C  judgment  and  experience  are  the  judges?1 

c  m 


■'    Aftley's  Collocaon,  vol.  2,  pag$  35? 


(     io     ) 

fbe  FziUs  are  fettled  on  both  fides  of  the  ri- 
ver Senegal :    Their  country  which  is  very- 
fruitful   and   populous,  extends  near  four 
hundred  miles  from  eaft  to  weft.     They  are 
generally  of  a  deep  tawny  complexion,  ap- 
pearing to  bear  fome  affinity  with  the  Moor's, 
wbofe    country    Xhey  join  on   the  north : 
They  are  good  farmers  and  make  great  har- 
veft,ofcorn,  cotton,  tobacco  &c,  and  breed 
great  numbers  of  .cattle  of  all  kinds.  Bartholo- 
mew Stibbs,  (mentioned  by  Fr :  Moor  J  in  his 
account  of  that  country  fays,  \     "  They  were 
*'  a  cleanly i  decent ;,  indujlrious  -people  and  very 
Ci  affable"  Put  the  moft  particular  account 
we  have  cf   thefe  people  is   from    Francis 
Moor  himfelf,  who  fays  jj,    "  Some  of  thefe 
*■*  Fuli  blacks  who  dwell  on-  both  fides  the 
f*  river  Gapnbia,    are  in  fubjeclion  to  the 
"  Mandingos,  arnongft  whom  they  dwell, 
Y  having  been  probably  driven  out  of  their 
Ci  country,  by  war  or  famine.     They  have 
"  chiefs  of  their  own,  who  rule  with  much 
cc  moderation.  Few  of  them  will  drink  brandy 
€;  or  any  thing  flronger  than  water  and  fu- 
*6  gar,  being   ftricl  mahometans.       Their 
."  form  of  government  goes  on  eafy,    be- 
"  caufe  the  people  are  of  a  good  quiet  dif- 
^  pofition  and  fo  well  inftrufted  in  what  is 

"  right 

%  Moor's  travels  into  diftant  parts  of  Africa,  page 
fp%.  |1  Ibid,  page  21. 


(  ** ) 

*  right,  that  a  man  who  does  ill  is  the  a- 
rc  bomination  of  all,  and  nOne  will  fupport 
"  him  againft  the  chief.     In  thefe  countries 

*  the  natives  are  not  eoveteous  of  land, 
**  defiling  no  more  than  what  they  ufe  ;  and 
"  as  they  do  not  plough  with  horfes  and 

*  cattle  they  can  ufe  but  very  little,  there- 
u  fore  the  Kings  are  willing  to  give  the 
"  Fulis  leave  to  live  in  their  country  and 
?  cultivate  their  lands.  If  any  of  their 
#c  people  are  known  to  be  made  flaves,  all 
"  the  Fulis  will  join  to  redeem  them  ;  they 
"  alfo  fupport  the  old,  the  blind  and  lame  a- 
"  mongft  themfelves,  and  as  far  as  their  abi- 
m  litiesgo,they  fupply  the  neceffities  of  the 

*  Mandingos,  great  numbers  of  whom  they 
c<  have  maintained  in  famine.  The  anther 
from  his  own  observations  fays, "  They  were 
"  rarely  angry,    that  he  never  heard  them 

*  abufe  one  another/' 

The  Mandingos  are  faid  by  A.  Brue  before 
mentioned,  "  To  be  the  moft  numerous 
"  nation  on-  the  Gambia,  befides  which 
"  numbers  of  them  are  difperfed  over  all 
"  thefe  countries  ;  being  the  moft  rigid  ma- 
64  hometansamongft  the  Negroes,  they  drink 
"  neither  wine  nor  brandy,  and  are  politer 
M  than  the  other  Negroes.  The  chief  of  the 
"  trade  goes  thro'  their  hands.  Many  are 
"  induftrious  and  laborious,  keeping  their 
"  ground  well  cultivated  and  breeding  a 
C  2  "  good 


(  "  ) 

11  good  ftock  of  cattle,  f  Every  town  has 
'<  an  Alkali,  or  Governor,  who  has  great 
"  power  ;  for  moft  of  them  having  two 
cc  common  fields  of  clear  ground,  one  for 
"  corn  and  the  other  for  rice,  the  Alkali 
"  appoints  the  labour  of  all  the  people. 
"  The  men  work  the  corn  ground,  and 
"  the  women  and  girls  the  rice  ground, 
u  and  as  they  all  equally  labour,  fo  he  e- 
"  qually  divides  the  corn  amcngft  them  ; 
*c  and  in  cafe  any  are  in  want,  the  others 
*c  fupply  them.  This  Alkali  decides  all 
4C  quarrels,  and  has  the  firft  voice  is.  all 
"  conferences  in  town  affairs."  Some  of 
thefe  Mandigos  who  are  fettled  at  Galern^ 
far  up  the  river  Senegal,  can  read  and  write 
arabic  tolerably,  and  are  a  good  hofpitable 
people,  who  carry  on  a  trade  with  the  In- 
land nations.  u  |  They  are  extreamly  pa*. 
*c  pulous  in  thofe  pares,  their  women  be- 
"  ing  fruitful,  and  they  not  fufferingrany 
"  perfon  amongft  them,  but  fuch  are  guil- 
"  ty  of  crimes,  to  be  made  Haves."  We  are 
told,  from  Jobfon,"  |]  That  the  mahometan 
u  Negroes  fay  their  prayers  thrice  a  day.  Each 
".  village  has  a  prieft  who  calls  them  to  their 
4i  duty.  It's  furprizing  (fays  the  author) as 
"  well  as  commendable,  to  fee  the  modefty, 

"  attentiou 

f  Aftley's  Collet,  vol.  2,  page  269. 
%  Aftley'sColtefl:.  vol.  2,  page  73,. 
\   Ibid.  296. 


(  i3  ) 
p  attention  and  reverencethey  obferve  du- 
"  ring  their  worfhip.  He  afked  fome  cf  their 
"  priefts  the  purport  of  their  prayers  and  cere 
"  monies  ;  their  anfwer  always  was",  "That 
■"  they  adored  God,  byproflratingthemfelvesbe- 
"  fore  him  ;that  by  humbling themf elves,  theyac- 
H  knowledged  their  own  infignifitancy  ;  andfar- 
"  ther  entreated  him  to  forgive  their  faults,  and 
"  to  grant  thorn  all  good  and  neceffary  things,  as 
cc  well  as  deliverance  fromeviL"  Jobfon  takes 
notice  of  feveralgoodqualkes  inthefe  Negroe 
priefts; j  particularly  their  great  fobriety. 
They  gain  their- livelihood  by  keeping 
fchool,  for  the  education  of  the  children* 
The  boys  are  taught  to  read  and  write. 
They  not  only  teach  fchool,  but  rove  a- 
bout  the  country  ;  teaching  and  inftruct- 
ing ;  for  which  the  whole  country  is  o- 
pen  to  them  mr  and  .they  have  a  free  re- 
courfe  thro'  all  places,  tho'  the  Kings 
may  be  at  war  with  one  another. 

The  three  forementioned  nations,  practice 
feveraltrades,  as  fmiths,  potters,  fadlers,  and 
weavers,  Their  fmiths  particularly  work 
neatly  in  gold  and  filver,  and  make  knives, 
hatchets,  reaping  hooks,  fpadesand  fhares 
to  cut  iron,  &c.  &c.  Their  potters  make 
neat  tobacco  pipes,  and  pots  to  boil  their 
food.  Some  authors  fay,  that  weaving  is 
their  principal  trade  ;  this  is  done  by  the 
wQaiea  and  girls,  who  fpin  and  weave  very 
C  3-  .  .  fine 


(  14  ) 
fine  cotton  cloth,  which  they  die  blue  or 
black.  |  F.  Moor  fays  the  Jalofs  particu- 
larly, make  great  quantities  of  the  cotton 
cloth;  their  pieces  are  generally  27  yards 
long  and  but  about  9  inches  broad  ;  their 
looms  being  very  narrow  ;  fhefe  they  few 
neatly  together,  fo  as  to  fupply  the  ufe  of 
broad  cloth. 

It  was  in  thefe  parts  of  Guinea,  that  M. 
Adanfon,    correfpondant  of  the  royal  aca- 
demy of  fciences    at   Paris,  mentioned  in 
fome  former   publications,   was  employed 
from  the  year  1 749,  to  the  year  1753,  whol- 
ly in  making  natural '  Mi&pbilofophical  obfer- 
vations,  on  the  country    about  the  rivers 
Senegal  and  Gambia.     Speaking  of  the  great 
heats  on  Senegal,  he  fays,  "  J  It  is  to  them 
that  they  are  partly  indebted  for  the  fer- 
tility of  their  lands,  which  is  fo  great, 
that  with  little  labour  and  care,  there  is 
no  fruit  nor  grain  but  grow  in  great  plen- 
ty." 

Of  the  foil  on  the  Gambia,  he  fays,  "  ||  It 
is  rich  and  deep,  and  amazingly  fertile  ; 
it  produces  fpontaneoufly,  and  almoft 
without  cultivation,  all  the  neceffaries  of 
life  5  grain,  fruit,  herbs,  and  roots.     E- 

very 

f  F.  Moor,  28. 

1  M.  Adaufon's  voyoge  to  Senegal  &c.  page  ~ 

J  idem,  page  164. 


(  15  ) 
"  very  thing  matures  to  perfection,  and  is 
"  excellent  in  its  kind."  *  One  thing 
which  always  furprifed  him,  was  the  prodigi- 
ous rapidity,  with  which  the  fap  of  trees  re- 
pair any  lofs  they  may  happen  to  fuftain  in 
that  country  ;  "  and  I  was  never  (fays  he) 
more  aftoniihed,  than  when  landing  four 
days  after  the  locufts  had  devoured 
all  the  fruits  and  leaves,  and  even  the 
buds  of  the  trees, ,  to  find  the  trees  co- 
vered with  new  leaves  ;  and  they  did  not 
feerri  me  to  have  fuffered  much."  f"  It 
was  then,  (fays  the  fame  author?)  J  the  fifh 
feafon ;  you  might  fee  them  in  fhoals 
approaching  towards  land.  Some  of  thofe 
fhoals  were  fifty  fathom  fquare,  and  the 
fifh  crowded  together  in  fuch  a  manner 
as  to  roll  upon  one  another,  without  be- 
ing able  to  fwim.  As  foon  as  the  Negroes 
perceive  them  coming  towards  land,  they 
jump  into  the  water,  with  a  bafketin  one 
hand,  and  fwim  with  the  other.  They 
need  only  to  plunge  and  to  lift  up  their 
bafket,  and  they  are  fure  to  return  load- 
ed with  fifh."  Speaking  of  the  appear- 
ance of  the  country,  and  of  the  difpofition 
of  the  people,  he  fays,  j|  "  Which  way  foever 
I  turned  mine  eyes  on  this  pleafant  fpot, 
I  beheld  a  perfect  image  of  pure  nature  ; 

"  an 

*  M.  Adanfon,  page,    162. 

%  Idem  page,  171,  |j  Ibid  page,  54. 


(  *«  ) 

an  agreeable  folitude,  bounded  on  every 
fide  by  charming  landfcapes  ;  >the  rural 
fituation  of  cottages  in  the  midft  of  trees ; 
the  eafe  and  indolence  of  the. Negroes,  re- 
clined under  the  (hade  of  their  fpreading 
foliage  ;  the  fimplicity  of  their  drefs  and 
manners  ;  the  whole  revived  in  my  mind 
the  idea  of  our  firft  parents,  and  I  feemed 
to  contemplate  the  world  in  its  primitive 
H  ftate.  They  are  generaly  fpeaking,  very 
good  natured,  fociable  and  obliging,  ,  I 
was  not  a  little  pleafed  with  this  my  firft 
reception;  it  convinced  me,  that  there 
ought  to  be  a  confiderable  abatement 
made  in  the  accounts  I  had  read  and  heard 
every  where  of  the  favage  character  of  the 
Africans ■.  I  obferved  both  in  Negroes  and 
Moors,  great  humanity  and  fociablenefs ; 
which  gave  me  ftrong  hopes,  that  1  fhould 
be  very  fafe  amongft  them,  and  meet  with 
the  fuccefs  I  defired,  in  my  enquiries  after 
the  curiofities  of  the  country  "  *  He 
was  agreeably  amufed  with  the  converfation 
of  the  Negroes,  their  fables,  dialogues,  and 
witty  ftories  with  which  they  entertain  each 
other  alternately,  according  to  their  cuftoiDo 
Speaking  of  the  remarks  which  the  natives 
made  to  him,  with  relation  to  the  ftars  and 
flanets,  he  fays  "  It  is  amazing,  that  fuch 


cc 


*  Adaafon,  page,  252;  ibid, 


(     '7     ) 

"  a  rude  and  iUeterate  people,  iliould  reafon 

"  fo  pertinently  in  regard  to  thofe  heavenly 

"  bodies  ;  there  is  no  manner  of  doubt,  but 

"  that  with  proper  inftruments,  and  a  good 

"  will,  they  would  become  excellent  aftrono- 

"  mers" 


C     H     A    'P.        II. 

THE  Ivory  Coaft  ;  its  foil  and  pro- 
duce. The  character  of  the  natives  mif- 
reprefented  by  fome  authors.  Thefe  mif- 
reprefentations  occafioned  by  the  Europe- 
ans having  treacheroufly  carried  off  many 
of  their  people.  John  Smith  furveyor  to 
the  African  company,  his  obfervations  there- 
on. John  Snock's  remarks.  The  Gold 
Coaft  and  Slave  Coaft,  thefe  have  the 
mod  European  Factories  ;  and  furnifh  the 
greateft  number  of  flaves  to  the  Europeans* 
Exceeding  fertile.  The  country  of  Axim  ; 
and  of  Ante.  Good  account  of  the  Inland 
people.  Great  fiihery,  Extraordinary  trade 
for  flaves.  The  Slave  Coaft.  "The  kingdom 
of  Whidah.  Fruitful  and  pleafant.  The 
natives  kind  and  obliging.  Very  popu- 
lous. Keep  regular  markets  and  fairs. 
Good  order  therein.  Murder,  adultery  and 
thf  ft  feverely  punifhed.  The  kings  reve- 
nues « 


(  18  ) 
nues.  The  principal  people  have  an 
idea  of  the  true  God,  Commendable 
care  of  the  poor.  Several  fmall  govern- 
ments depend  on  plunder  and  the  /lavs 
trade. 

THAT  part  of  Guinea,  known  by  the 
name  of  the  Grab?,  and  Ivory  Coaft  9 
come,  next  in  courfe.  This  coaft  extends 
about  500  miles.  The  foil  appears  by  ac- 
count to  be  in  general  fertile,  producing 
abundance jof  rice  and  roots;  indigo  and 
cotton  £  it  cultivation  and  tobac- 

co would  be  exedient  if  carefully  manufac- 
tured ;  fifh  in  great  plenty,  their  flocks 
greatly  in         s   .  ,d  tft  es  are  loaded 

with  fruit.  They  make  a  cotton  cloth 
which  fells  well  on  the  Coaft.  In  a  word  the 
country  is  rich  ad  the  commerce  advanta- 
geous and  mighc  be  greatly  augmented  by 
fuch  as  would  cultivate  the  friendihip  of  the 
natives  ;  thefe  are  reprefented  by  fome  writ- 
ers as  a  rude,  treacherous  people  ;  whilft  feve- 
ral  other  authors  of  credit  give  them  a  very 
different  character ;  reprefenting  them  as 
fenjibh)  courteous  and  the  fair  eft  traders  on  the 
coaft  of  Guinea.  In  the  collection  they  are 
faid  *  to  be  averfe  to  drinking  to  excefs^  and 
fuch  at  do  are  feverely  punilhed  by  the  kings 

order : 


Colleft.  2-  vol.  page,  560. 


(     19    ) 
order  :    on  inquiry  why.  there  is  fuch  a  disa- 
greement in   the  character  given  of  thefe 
people,  it  appears,  thattho'  they  are  natural- 
ly inclined  to  be  kind  toflrangers,  with  whom 
they  are  fond  of  tradings   yet   the  frequent 
injuries  done  them  by  Europeans,  has  occafi- 
oned  their  being  fufpicious  andfhy\  the  fame 
caufe  has  been  the  occafion  of  the  ill  treat- 
ment they  have  fometimes  given  to  inno- 
cent Grangers,  who  have  attempted  to  trade 
with  them.    As  the  Europeans  have  no  fet- 
tlement  on  this  part  of  Guinea,    the  trade  is 
carried  on  by  fignals  from  the  fhips  ;  on  the 
appearance  of  which   the    natives   ufually 
come  on  board,  in  their  canoes,  bringing 
their  gold-duft,  ivory,  &c.  which  has  given 
opportunity  to  fome  villainous  Europeans,  to 
carry  them  off  with  their  effe&s,  or  retain 
them  on  board  till  a  ranfom  is  paid.  It  is 
noted  by  fome  that  fince  the  European  voy- 
agers have  carried  away    feveral  of  thefe 
people,  their  miftruft  is  fo  great,  that  it  is  ve- 
ry difficult  to  prevail  on  them  to  come  on 
board.  William  Smith  remarks  ^"Aswe  paft 
"  along  this  coaft,   we  very  often  lay  be- 
"  fore  a  town  and  fired  a  gun  for  the  na- 
"  tives  to   come  off^    but  no  foul   came 
"  near  us ;    at  length  we  learnt,  by  fome 
"  fhips  that  were  trading  down  the  coaft 

that 

*  W.  South,. page,  in. 


(      20      ) 

"  that  the  natives  came  feldom  on  board 
"  an  Englifh  fhip,  for  fear  of  being  de- 
"  tained  or  carried  off;  yet  at  laft  fome 
ct  ventured  on  board  ;  but  if  thefe  chanced 
ct  to  fpy  any  arms,  they  would  all  immedi- 
"  ately  take  to  their  canoes  and  make  the 
"  beft  of  their  way  home.  They  had 
"  then  in  their  poffeflion  one  Bejamin  Crofs, 
"  the  mate  of  an  Englifh  veffel,  who  was 
"  detained  by  them  to  make  reprifals  for 
cc  fome  of  their  men,  who  had  formerly 
M  been  carried  away  by  fome  Englifh  veffel.'* 
In  the  Collection  we  are  told,  *  This  villa- 
inous cuflom,  is  too  often  praflifed,  chiefly  by  the 
Briflol  and  Liverpool  fhips\  and  is  a  great  de- 
triment to  the  flave  hade  on  the  Windward 
Coafl.  John  Snock  mentioned  in  B  of  man  f  when 
on  that  coaft  wrote,  u  We  caft  anchor,  but 
u  not  one  Negro  coming  on  board,  I  went  on 
"  fhore,  and  after  having  ftaid  awhile  on 
"  the  ftrand,  fome  Negroes  came  to  me  ;  and 
"  being  defirous  to  be  informed  why  they 
"  did  not  come  on  board,  I  was  anfwered, 
"  that  about  two  months  before  the  Englifh 
4C  had  been  there  with  two  iarge  veffels, 
u  and  had  ravaged  the  country,  deftroyed 
u  all  their  canoes,  plundered  their  houfcs 
"  and  carried  oft  fome  of  their  people  ;  up- 

"  on 


*  Aftley's  colle&ion,  vol.  2  pare,   475, 

f  W.  Bofman's  difcription  cf  Guinea  p.  440, 


(   *}   ) 

c<  on  which  the  remainder  fled  to  the  inland 
a  country,  where  moft  of  them  were  at 
"  that  time  ;  fo  that  there  being  not  much 
*  to  be  done  by  us,  we  were  obliged  to 
cc  return  on  board.  *  When  I  enquired 
?*  after  their  wars  with  other  countries, 
"  they  told  me,  they  were  not  often  trou- 
"  bled  with  them  ;  but  if  any  difference 
?  happened,  they  chofe  rather  to  end  the 
"  difpute  amicably  than  to  come  to  arms.  f5> 
He  found  the  inhabitants  civil  and  good 
natured.  Speaking  of  the  king  of  Rio  Se/lro, 
lower  down  the  coaft,  he  fays,  "  He  was  a 
"  very  agreeable,  obliging  man,  and  that 
*•  all  his  fubjecls  are  civil,  as  well  as  very 
M  laborious  in  agriculture  and  the  purfuits 
"  of  trade."  Marchais  fays,  |j  "  That 
u  though  the  country  is  very  populous, 
"  yet  none  of  the  natives  (except  criminals) 
"  are  fold  for  flaves."  Vail! ant  never 
heard  of  any  fettlement  being  made  by 
the  Europeans  on  this  part  of  Guinea ;  and 
Smith  remarks,  §  "  That  thefe  coafts,  which 
"  are  divided  into  feveral  little  kingdoms, 
Ci  and  have  feldom  any  wars,  is  the  reafon 
44  the  flave  trade  is  not  fo  good  here  as  on 
the  Gold  and  Slave  Coafts  where  the  Eui  o- 
D  peans 

#  W.  Bofman's  defcription  of  Guinea,  page,  439. 
f  Ibid.  441.  ||  Aftley's  collection  2  vol. page,  565. 
§  Smith's  voyage  to  Guinea,  112* 


u 


(       22       ) 

*  peans  have  feveral  forts  and  factories/ 
A  plain  evidence  this,  that  it  is  the  inter- 
courfe  with  the  Europeans  and  their  fettle- 
ments  on  the  co^fl  which  gives  life  to  the 
Have  trade. 

Next  adjoining  to  the  Ivory  Co  aft  >  are 
thofe  called  the  Gold  Coaft  and  the  Slave 
Coaft ;  authors  are  not  agreed  about  their 
bounds  ;  but  their  extent  together  along 
the  coaft,  may  be  about  five  hundred  miles. 
And  as  the  policy,  produce  and  oeconomy 
of  thefe  two  divisions  of  Guinea  are  much 
the  fame,  I  fhall  defcribe  them  together. 

Here  theEuropeans  have  the greateft  num- 
ber of  forts  and  factories,  from  whence,  by 
means  of  the  Negro  faftors,  a  trade  is  car- 
ried on  above  feven  hundred  miles  back 
in  the  Inland  country ;  whereby  great  num- 
bers of  flaves  are  procured,  as  well  by  means 
of  the  wars  which  arife  amongft  the  Ne- 
groes, or  are  fomented  by  theEuropeans,  as 
thofe  brought  from  the  back  country.  Here 
we  find  the  natives  more  reconciled  to  the  En- 
ropean  manners  and  trade ;  but,  at  the  fame 
time,  much  more  inured  to  war,  and  ready  to 
afiift  the  European  traders,  in  procuring 
loadings  for  the  great  number  of  veffels 
which  come  yearly  on  thofe  coafts  for  flaves. 
This  part  of  Guinea  is  agreed  by  hiftori- 
ans  to  be,  in  general,  extraordinary  fruitful 
and  agreeable)  producing  (according  to  the 

difference 


(  n  ) 

difference  of  the  foil)  vaft  quantities  of  rice 
and    other    grain  ;    plenty  of     fruit    and 
roots  ;  palm  wine  and  oyl,  and  fifli  in  great 
abundance;  with  much  tame  and  wild  cattle. 
Bofman,  principal  factor  far  the  Dutch  at 
D'Elmina,  fpeaking  of  the  country  of  Axim, 
which  isfituate  towards  the  beginning  of  the 
Gold  Co  aft,  |  fays,  "  The  Negro  inhabi- 
c  tants    are  generally  very   rich,  driving  a 
c  great  trade  with  the  Europeansfor  gold  : 
That    they  are   induftrioufly    employed 
either   in    trade,  fifhing,    or  agriculture; 
but  chiefly  in  the  culture  of  rice,  which 
grows    here,     in   an    incredible     abun- 
dance,   and  is  tranfported  hence  all  over 
the  Gold  Coaft.     The  inhabitants  in  lieu 
returning  full  fraught  with  millet,  jamms 
potatoes  and  palm  oyl.  The  fame  author 
fpeaking  of    the  country  of  Ante,  fays^ 
1  This  country,  as  well  as  the  Gold  Cbaft, 
abounds  with  hills,  enriched  with  extra- 
ordinary high  and  beautiful    trees  ;     its 
valleys,    betwixt  the  hills,  are  wide  and 
exteniivc,  producing  in  great  abundance 
very  good  rice,  millet,  jamms,    potatoes, 
and  other  fruits,  all  good  in  their    kind, 
He  adds,    "  In  fhort  it  is  aland  that  yields 
c  its  manurersas  plentiful  a  crop  as  they  can 
'  wifli,  with  great  quantities  of  palm  wine  and 

*D   2 "  oyl, 

f  Boimaivs  '.leicnptioii  of  the  coail  of  Guinea,  p,  5. 
t  Idem,  p. 


ti 


(    M    ) 
^C  oyl,  befides  being  well  farniflied  with  all 
"  forts  of  tame,  as  well  as  wild  beafts  ;  but 
"  that  the  laft  fatal  wars  had  reduced  it  to 

a  miferable  condition,  and  dripped  it  of 

moft  of  Its  inhabitants.'*  The  adjoining 
country  of  Fetu,  he  fays,  |]  was  formerly 
{6  powerful  and  populous,  that  it  ftruck 
"  terror  into  all  the  neighbouring  nations  ; 
"  but  it  is  at  prefent,  fo  drained  by  continu- 
"  al  wars,  that  it  is  entirely  ruined ;  there 
"  does  not  remain  inhabitants  fufficient  to 
".  till  the  country  ;  tho'  it  is  fo  fruitful  and 
CS  pleafant  that  it  may  be  compared  to  the 
"  country  of  Ante,  juft  before  defcribed  ; 
"  frequently,  fays  that  author,  when  walk- 
"  ing  thro'  it  before  the  laft  war,  I  have 
cc  lea;  it  abound  with  fine  well  built  and  po- 
"  pulous  towns,  agreeably  enriched  with 
Ci  vaft  quantities  of  corn,  cattle',  palm  \ 
4i  and  oyl.  The  inhabitants  \ 
"  themfelves  without  any  difdndior 
"  griculture,  fome  fow  corn,  others  prefs 
"  oyl  and  draw  wine  from  palm  trees,  with 
"  both  which  it  is  plentifully  flored," 

William  Smith  gives  much  the  fame  ac- 
count of  the  before  mentioned  parts  of  the 
Gold  Coaft,    and   adds,  "  Th&  count: 
ci  bout  D'Elmina  and  Cape  Coaft,  ism 
"  the  fame  for  beauty  and  gooduefs,    but 
«  more  populous  ;  and  the  nearer  we  come 

"  towards 

|  Boimaa,  p.  41. 


(   «s   ) 

cs  towards  the  Slave-Coaft,  the  more  de- 
*«  lightful  and  rich  all  the  countries  are, 
"  producing  all  forts  of  trees,  fruits,  roots 
"  and  herbs,  that  grow  within  the  torrid 
"  Zone."  J.  Barbot  alfo  remarks,  f  with 
reCpect  to  the  countries  of  Ante  and  A- 
dom,  "  That  the  foil  is  very  good,  and 
"  fruitful  in  corn  and  other  produce,  which 
"  it  affords  in  fuch  plenty,  that  befides 
"  what  ferves  for  their  own  ufe  they  always 
"  export  great  quantities  for  fale  ;  they 
"  have  a  comnetent  number  of  cattle,  both 
M  tame  and  wild  ;  and  the  rivers  abundant- 
"  ly  ftored  with  fifh  ;  fo  that  nothing  -is 
"  wanting  for  the  fupport  of  life,  and  to 
"  make  it  eafy."  In  the  Collection  its  faid,| 
"  That  the  Inland  people,  on  that  part  of 
"  the  coaft,  employ  themfelves  in  tillage 
"  and  trade,  and  fupply  the  market  with 
"  corn,  fruit  and  palm  wine ;  the  country 
"  producing  fuch  vaft  plenty  of  indian  corn, 
"  that  abundance  is  daily  exported,  as  well 
w  by  Europeans  as  Blacks  reforting  thither 
u  from  other  parts.".  "  Thefe  Inland  peo- 
"  pie  are  faid  to  live  in  great  union  and 
"  friendfhip,  being  generally  well  temper- 
M  ed,  civil  and  tradable;  not  apt  to 
"  feed  human  blood,  except  when  much 
"  provoked;  and  ready  toaffiftone  another/' 
D   3 In 

-j*  John  Barbot's  defcription  of  Guinea,  p.  154,- 
i  Aftley's  Collection,  z,  vol.  p.  535. 


(       26      ) 

In  the  Collection  %  it  is  faid,  "  That  the 
"  fiihing   bufinefs  is  efteemed  on  the  Gold 

*  Coafl  next  to  trading ;  that  thofe  who 
"  profefs  it  are  more  numerous  than  thofe 
"  of  other  employments.     That  the  greateft 

*  number  of  thefe  are  at  Kommendo,  Mina 

*  andKormantin  ;  from  each  of  which  pla- 

*  ces,  there  goes  out  every  morning,  (Tuef- 
"  day  excepted,  which  is  the  Fetifh  day,  or 
■*  day  of  reft,)  five,  fix  and  fometimes  eight 
<*  hundred  canoes,  from  13  to  14  feet  long, 
"  who  fpread  themfeives  two  leagues  at 
Ki  fea,  each  fiiherman  carrying  in  his  canoe 
*'  a  fword,  with  bread,  water,  and  a  little 
"  fire,  on  a  large  ftone,  to  roaft  fifh.  Thus 
"  they  labour  till  noon,  wrhen  the  fea  breeze 
<c  blowing  frelh,  they  return  on  the  ihore, 
"  generally  laden  with  fifh  5  a  quantity  of 
**  which  the  Inland  inhabitants  come  down 
*c  to  buy,  which  they  fell  again  at  the 
"  country  markets*" 

William  Smith  f  fays"  The  country  about 
^  Acra,  where  the  Engliih  and  Dutch  have 
*<  each  a  ftrong  fort^  is  very  delightful,  and 
M  the  natives  courteous  and  civil  to  ftrangers. 
"  He  adds,    "  That  this  place  feldomVaiis 

*  of  an  extraordinary  good  trade  from  the 
"  Inland   country j.    efpecially   for    Haves, 

"  wha 
>  ■     t  .  ■  ■     i'  *.k 

j|  Collection,  vol.  2.  page  640, 
t  WiUiaiii  Smith,  p.  i^y. 


(     27     ) 
C6  whereof  feveral  arefuppofed  to  come  fiortt 
"  very  remote  parts  \  becaufe  it  is  not  un- 
M  common  to  find  aMalayenortwo  amongft 

*  a  parcel  of  other  flaves :  The  Malay* 
"  people  are  originally  natives' of  Mallacca, 
«  in  the  Eaft  Indies,  fituate  feveral  thoufand 
"  miles  from  the  Gold  Coaft."  They  dif- 
fer very  much  from  the  Guinea  Negroes y 
being  of  a  tawny  complexion,  with  long 
black  hair, 

Moft  parts  of  the  Slave  Coafts  are  repre- 
fented  as  equally  fertile  and  pleafant  with 
the  Gold  Coaft  :  The  kingdom  of  Whidali 
has  been  particularly  noted  by  travellers.  J 
William  Smith  and  Bofman  agree,.  "  That 
<c  it  is  one  of  the  moft  delightful  countries 
**  in  the  world.  The  great  number  and  va- 
44  riety  of  tall,  beautiful  and  fhady  trees* 
"  which  feem  planted  in  gxoves  ;  the  ver- 

*  dant  fields  every  where  cultivated,  and  no 
"  otherwise  divided  than  by  thofe  groves, 
"  and  in  fome  places  a  fmall  foot  path  ;  to- 
"  gether  with  a  great  number  of  villages, 
"  contribute  to  afford,  the  rnoft  delightful 
w  profped ;  the  whole  country  being  a  line 
"  eafy  and  almoft  imperceptible  afcent,  for 
"  the  fpace  of  40  or  50  miles  from  the  fea» 
"  That  the  farther  you  go  from  the  fea,  the 
ft  the  more  beutiful  and  populous  the  coun-- 
"  try  appears..    Th^t  the  natives  were  kind 

-:  ■■.-, "  and 

%  Smith;  p.  1^4,  "Boimaji;  p.  316. 


(  •  »  ) 
"  and  obliging,  and  fo  induftrious,  that- 
"  no  place  which  was  thought  fertile  could 
"  efcape  being  planted,  even  within  the 
"  hedges,  which  inclofe  their  villages.  And 
"  that  the  next  day  after  they  had  reaped 
"   they  fowed  again." 

Snelgrave  alfo  fays,  "  The  country  ap- 
"  pears  full  of  towns  and  villages,  and  be- 
"  ing  a  rich  foil  and  well  cultivated,  looked 
"  likean  entire  garden."  In  the  Collection  * 
the  hufoandry  of  the  Negroes  is  defcribed 
to  be  carried  on  with  great  regularity  ;  the 
"  rainy  feafon  approaching  they  go  into  the 
u  fields  and  woods,  to  fix  on  a  proper  place 
"  for  fowing  ;  and,  as  here  is  no  property  in 
"  ground,  the  king's  licence  being  obtain-- 
"  ed,  the  people  go  out  in  troops,  and  firft 
"  clear  the  ground  from  bufhes  and  weeds 
'-  which  they  burn.  The  fields  thus  cleared 
"  they  dig  it  up  a  foot  deep  and  fo  let  it 
**  remain  for  eight  or  ten  days,  till  the  reft 
"  of  their  neighbours  have  difpofed  their 
"  ground  in  the  fame  manner.  They  then 
"  confult  about  fowing,  and  for  that  end 
"  affemble  at  the  king's  court,  the  next 
"  Fetiih  day.  The  king's  grain  muft  be 
u  fown  firft.  They  then  go  again  to  the 
"  field,  and  give  the  ground  a  fecond 
"  digging,   and  fow  their    feed.      Whilft 

"  the 

*  Colle&ion,  2  v©l.  page,  651. 


(  *9  )  ' 
cc  'the  king  or  governour's  land  is  fov/- 
<;  ing,  he  fends  out  wine*  and  flefh  ready 
"  drefied,  enough  to  ferve  the  labourers. 
"  Afterwards  they  in  like  manner  fow  the 
"  ground  allotted  for  their  neighbours,  as 
"  diligently  as  that  of  the  king  ;  by  whom 
€<  they  are  alfo  feafted  ;  and  fe  continue  to 
"  work  in  a  body  for  the  publick  benefit, 
"  till  every  man's  ground  is  tilled  and  fow- 
"  ed.  None  but  the  king  and  a  few  great 
"  men  are  exempted  from  this  labour.  Their 
•"  grain  foon  fprouts  out  of  the  ground. 
"  When  it  is  about  man's  height  and  be- 
<;  gins  to  ear,  they  raife  a  wooden  houfe  in 
M  the  centre  of  the  field,  covered  with  ftraw, 
"  in  which  they  fet  their  children  to  watch 
"  their  corn  and  fright  away  the  birds." 

Bofmnn  *  fpeaks  in  commendation  of 
the  civility,  kindnefs  and  great  induitry  of 
the  natives  of  Whydah;  this  is  confirmed  by 
Smith  f  who  fays,  "  The  natives  here  feem  to 
w  be  the  moft  gentleman  like  Negroes  in 
"  Guinea,  abounding  with  good  manners 
k*  and  ceremony  to  each  other.  The  infe- 
"  rior  pay  the  utmoft  deference  and  refpecfc 
cl  to  the  fuperior  ;  as  do  wives  to  their 
u  hufbands,  and  children  to  their  parents. 
4C  All  here  are  naturally  induftrious  and  find 
4C  contiant  employment :  the  men  in  agri- 

"  culture, 

♦  £ofaa*p.  ?*7*  t  Smith  p.  195. 


(    3*    ) 
culture,  and  the  worn.  tiniii'givtS 

weaving  cotton.  The  men,  whole  chief 
talent  lies  in  husbandry,  are  unacquainted 
with  arms ;  otherwife  being  a  numerous 
people,  they  could  have  made  a  better 
defence  againft  the  king  of  Dahome,  who 
fubdued  them  without  much  trouble." 
*  Throughout  the  Gold  Coaft  there  are 
regular  markets  in  all  villages,  furniihed 
with  provifions  and  merchandize,  held 
every  day  in  the  week,  except  Tuefday  j 
whence  they  fupply  not  an  Jy  the  inha- 
bitants, but  the  European  Ships.  The 
Negro  'women  are  very  expert  in  buying 
and  felling,  and  extrearnly  induiirious  j 
for  they  will  repair  daily  to  market,  from 
a  confiderable  diftance,  loaded  like  pack 
horfes,  with  a  child,  perhaps,  at  their 
back,  and  a  heavy  burden  on  their  Leads* 
After  felling  their  wares,  they  buy  nfii  and 
other  neceiiaries  and  return  Lomeioaded  as 
they  came. 

"  |  There  is  a  market  held  at  Sabi,  every 
fourth  day  ;  alfo  a  weekly  one  in  the  pro- 
vince of  Aplogua,  which  is  fo  reforteel  toy 
that  there"  are  ufhally  five  or  fix  thoufand 
merchants.  Their  markets  are  fo  well 
regulated  and  governed,  that  feldom  any 
diforder  happens ;  each  fpecies  of  mer- 
chandize 


Cclteft.  2.  vol  p.  657     f  Colieft.  3.  vol.  p.  ai. 


(    3*    ) 

#  chandize  and  merchants  have  a  feparate 
f  place  allotted  them  by  thcmfelves.  The 
¥  buyers  may  haggle  as  much  as  they  will, 
"  but  it  mull  be  without  noife  or  fraud. 
"  To  keep  order  the  king  appoints  a  judge, 
-"  who  with  four  officers  v,  ell  armed,  iafpecls 
¥  the  Markets,  hear  all  complaints,  and  in  a 
"  fummary  way  decides  all  differences  ;  he 
*'  has  power  to  feize  and  fell  as  flaves  all 
■"  who  are  catched  in  ftealing,  or  difturb- 
"  ing  the  peace.  In  thefe  markets  are  to 
"  be  fold  men,  women,  children,  oxen, 
41  fheep,  goats  and  fowls  of  all  kinds:  Eu- 
"  ropean  cloths,  linen  and  woollen  ;  print- 

#  ed  callicos,  filk,  grocery  ware,  china,  gold 
"  duft,  iron  in  bars,  oy.  in  a  word  moft  forts 
"  of  European  goods  :    as  well  as  the  pro- 

"  duce  of  Africa  and  Afia. They  have 

"  other  markets  refembling  our  fairs,  once 
-"  or  twice  a  year,  to  which  all  the  country 
"  repair,  for  they  take  care  to  order  the 
"  day  fo  in  different  governments  as  not  to 
f*  interfere  with  each  other.3'' 

With  refpect  to  government,  William 
Smith  fays,  "  f  That  the  Gold  Coaft  and 
"  Slave  Coafts  are  divided  into  different  dif- 
cc  triers,  fome  of  which  are  governed  by 
"  their  chiefs  or  kings ;    the  others  being 

#  more  of  the  nature  of  a  commonwealth, 

"  are 

^_^ ._      1 1  -  i  -  - 

f     Smith  -p..  1 93, 


(  52  )  ' 
C£  are  governed  by  fome  of  the  principal 
"  men,  called  Caboceros,  who  Bofman  fays, 
4;  are  properly  denominated  civil  fathers; 
"  whole  province  is  to  take  care  of  the  well- 
4C  fare  of  the  city  or  village  and  to  appeafe 
"  tumults."  But  this  order  of  government 
has  been  much  broken  fince  the  coming  of 
the  Europeans,  Both  Bofman  and  Barbot 
mention  murthcr  and  adultery  to  be  fever ely  pa- 
nifoed  on  the  Coafl^  frequently  by  death ;  and 
robbery  by  a  fine  proportionable  to  the  goods 
fiolen. 

The  income  of  fome  of  the  king's  is  large. 
Bofman  fays,  "  That  the  king  of  Whydah's 
"  revenues  and  duties  on  things  bought  and 
44  fold  are  coniiderable  ;  he  having  the  tithe 
44  of  all  things  fold  in  the  market,  or  im- 
4t  ported  in  the  country/ '  f  Both  the 
abovementioned  authors  fay,  fix  tax  on 
fiavesfbippedoffin  this  king's  dominions  ^  in  fome 
years  amounts  to  near  twenty  t  hoi  if  and  pounds. 
BoTman  tells  us,  "  The  Whydah  Negroes 
4C  have  a  faint  idea  of  a  true  God,  afcribing 
cc  to  him  the  attributes  of  almighty  power 
4C  and  omniprefence ;  but  God,  they  fay,  is 
"  too  high  to  condefcend  to  think  of  man- 
4C  kind,  wherefore  he  commits  the  govern* 
4t  ment  of  the  world  to  thofe  inferior  dre- 
"  ties  which  they  worfhip,"    Some  authors 

fay 


t  Bofinaa    337.   Barbot.  p.  335. 


(  33  ) 
fay  the  wifeft  of  thefe  Negroes  are  feniible  of 
their  miftake  in  this  opinion,  but  dare  not 
forfake  their  old  religion,  for  fear  of  the  po- 
pulace riling  and  killing  them  ;  this  is  con- 
firmed by  William  Smith  who  fays,  "  That 
*;  all  the  natives  of  this  coaft  believe  there  is 
"  one  true  God,  the  author  of  them  and  all 
"  things  ;and  that  they  have  fome  apprehen- 
*c  fion  of  afutureftate  ;and  that  almofl  every 
u  village  has  a  grove,  or  public  place  of  wor- 
*c  fhip,to  which  the  principal  inhabitants,  on 
"  a  fetday,  refort  to  make  their  offerings/* 
In  the  Collection  *  it  is  remarked  as  an  ex- 
cellency in  the  Guinea  government,  w  That 
"  however  poor  they  may  be  in  general, 
"  yet  there  are  no  beggars  to  be  found 
"  amongft  them ;  which  is  owing  to  the 
*c  care  of  their  chief  men,  whofe  province 
"  it  is  to  take  care  of  the  welfare  of  the 
"  city  or  village  ;  it  being  part  of  their  office 
"  to  fee  that  fuch  people  may  earn  their 
"  bread  by  their  labour ;  fome  are  fet  to 
"  blow  the  fmith's  beilowT\s,  others  to  prefs 
"  palm  oyl,  or  grind  colours  for  their  matts 
"  and  fell  provifion  in  the  markets.  The 
"  young  men  are  lifted  to  ferve  as  foldiers, 
"  fo  that  they  fuffer  no  common  beggar." 
Bofman  afcribes  a  further  reafon  for  this 
good  order,  viz.  "  That  when  a  Negro* 
E  finds 

*  Aftley's  CoJk#.  2  vol.  page  619. 


(  34  ) 
"  finds  he  cannot  fubfift,  he  binds  himfelf 
cc  for  a  certain  fum  of  money,  and  the 
"  mafter  to  whom  he  is  bound,  is  obliged 
??  to  find  him  neceffaries :  that  the  matter 
"  fets  him  a  fort  of  talk,  which  is  not  in  the 
"  leaft  flavifh,  being  chiefly  to  defend  his 
"  mafter  on  occafions ;  or  in  fowing  time 
"  to  work  as  much  as  he  himfelf  pleafes.  f " 
Adjoining  to  the  kingdom  of  Whydah, 
are  leveral  fmall  governments,  as  Coto, 
great  and  fmall  Popo,  Ardrah,  &c.  all  fitu- 
ate  on  the  Slave  Coaft,  where  the  chief  trade 
for  flaves  is  carried  on.  Thefe  are  govern- 
ed by  their  refpettive  kings,  and  follow 
much  the  fame  cuftoms  with  thofe  of  Why- 
dah  ;  except  that  their  principal  living  is  or) 
plunder,  and  the  Have  trade* 


CHAP. 


f  Bofinau,  p.  119. 


(    35    ) 


CHAP.        III. 

THE  kingdom  of  Benin.  Its  extent. 

Efteemed  the  mod  potent  in  Ganiea. 
Fruitfulnefs  of  the  foil.  Good  difpofition 
of  the  people.  Order  of  government. 
Punifhment  of  crimes.  Large  extent  of 
the  town  of  Great  Benin.  Order  main- 
tained. The  natives  honeft  and  charitable. 
Their  religion.  The  kingdoms  of  Kong§ 
and  Angola.  Many  of  the  natives  profefs 
chriftianity.  The  country  fruitful.  Dif- 
pofition of  the  people.  The  adminiftrati- 
on  ofjuftice.  The  town  of  Leango.  Slave 
trade  carried  on  by  the  Portuguese.  Here 
the  flave  trade  ends. 

'EXT  adjoining  to  the  Slave  Coaft,  is  the 
kingdom  of  Benin,  which  though  it 
extends  but  about  1 70  miles  on  the  Sea,  yet 
fpreads  fo  far  inland  as  to  be  efteemed  the 
moll  potent  kingdom  in  Guinea.  By  Ac- 
counts the  foil  and  produce  appears  to  be,  in 
a  great  meafure,  like  thofe  before  defcribed; 
and  the  natives  reprefented  as  a  reafonable 
good  natured  people  :  Artusfays  *  "  They 
U  are  a  fincere,  inoffenfive  people,  and  do 

"  no 

m  Collect.   3,  vol.  page  228. 


(  3*  ) 
"  no  lnjuitice  either  to  one  another  or  te* 
"  ftrangers."  William  Smith  -j-  confirms 
this  account,  and  fays,  "  That  the  inhabi- 
"  tarits  are  generally  very  good  natured 
cc  and  exceeding  courteous  and  civil.  When 
*.*  the  Europeans  make  them  prefents,  which 
"  in  their  coming  thither  to  trade  they 
"  always  do,  they  endeavour  to  return  them 
"  doubly." 

Bofman  tells  us,  J  "  That  his  countrymen 
c*  the  Dutch,  who  were  often  obliged  to 
Ci  to  truft  them  till  they  return  the  next 
"  year,  were  fure  to  be  honeftly  paid  their 
"  whole  debts. 

There  is  in  Benin  a  confiderable  order  in 
government.  Theft,  murther  and  adultery 
being  feverely  punifhed.  Barbot  fays,  *  "  If 
"  a  man  and  a  woman  of  any  quality  be 
rprifed  in  adultery,  they  are  both  put  to 
<£  death,  and  their  bodies  are  thrown  on  a 
"  dunghill,  and  left  there  a  prey  to  wild 
M  beafts."  He  adds,  "  The  feverity  of 
"  lav/  in  Benin  againii  adultery  jj  amongft 

"  all 


f  Smith,  p.  228.  %  W.  Bofman,  p.  405. 

*  Barbot,  p.  237. 

j|  By  this  account  of  the  punifliment  inflicted  on 
adulterers  in  this  and  other  parts  of  Guinea,  it  ap- 
pears the  Negroes  are  not  infenfible  of  the  flnfulnefs  of 
iiich  pracliies.  How  ftrange  mud  it  then  appear  to  the 

furious 


(  37  ) 
"  all  orders  of  people,  deters  them  from 
"  venturing  ;  fo  that  it  is  but  very  feldoni 
"  any  perfons  are  punifhed  for  that  crime." 
Smith  fays,  "  Their  towns  are  governed  by 
"  officers  appointed  by  the  king,  who  have 
"  power  to  decide  in  civil  cafes,  and  to  raife 
"  the  publick  taxes  ;  but  in  criminal  cafes 
"  they  muft  fend  to  the  king's  court,  which 
"  is  held  at  the  town  of  Oedo  or  Great  Be- 
"  nin.  This  town  which  covers  a  large  ex- 
"  tent  of  ground,  is  about  fixty  miles  from 

"  the 


ferious  minded  amongft  thefe  people,  (nay  how  incon- 
fiilent  is  it  with  every  divine  and  moral  law,  amongft 
ourfelves,)  that  thofe  chriftian  laws  which  prohi- 
bit fornication  and  adultery,  are  in  none  of  the 
Englifh  governments  extended  to  them  :  but  that  they 
are  allowed  to  cohabit  and  feparate  at  pleafure  i  And 
that  even  their  mafters  think  fo  lightly  of  their  mar- 
riage engagements,  that  when  it  fuits  with  their  inte- 
reft,  they  will  feparate  man  from  wife,  and  children 
from  both,  to  be  fold,  in  different,  and  even  diftant 
parts  ;  without  regard  to  their  fometimes  grievous 
lamentations;  whence  it  has  happened,  that  fuch  of 
thofe  people  who  are  truely  united  in  their  marriage 
covenant,. and  in  affection  to  one  another,  have  been 
driven  to  fuch  defperation  as  either  violently  to  des- 
troy themfelves,  or  gradually  to  pine  away,  and  die 
with  mere  grief.  It  is  amazing,  that  w  hi  Iff  the  clergy 
of  the  eftablifhed  church,  are  publickly  expreffinga  con- 
cern, that  thefe  oppreffed  people  mould  be  made  ac- 
quainted with  the  chriflian  religion;  they  fhould  be  thus, 
fuffered,  and  even  forced  fo  flagrantly  to  infringe  one, 
cf  the  principle  injunctions,  of  our  holy  religion  L 


(  3^  ) 
«  the  Sea."  *  Barbot  tells  us,  "  That  it  con- 
u  tains  thirty  flreets,  twenty  fathom  wide, 
"  and  almoft  two  miles  long,  commonly 
€Q  extending  in  a  ftraight  line  from  one  gate 
"  to  another;  that  the  gates  are  guarded 

*  by  foldiers ;  that  in  thcie  ftreets  markets 
"  are  held  every  day  of  cattle,  ivory,  cotton 
"  and  many  forts  of  European  goods.  This 
u  large  town  is  divided  into  feveral  wards 
"  or  diftricts,  each  governed  by  its  refpcc- 
c-  tive  king  of  a  ftreet,  as  they  call  them  ; 
c;  to  adminifter  juftice,  and  to  keep  good 
"  order.  The  inhabitants  are  very  civil  and 
cc  good  natured,  condefcending  to  what  the 
t;  Europeans  require  of  them,  in  a  civil 
"  way."  The  fame  author  confirms  what 
has  been  faid  by  others  of  their  juftice  in 
the  payment  of  their  debts  ;  and  adds, 
"  That  they  above  all  other  Guineans  are 
<€  very  honeft  andjufl  in  their  dealings,  and 

*  they  have  fuch  an  aversion  for  theft,  that 
<c  by  the  law  of  the  country  it  is  punifhed 
"  with  death."  We  are  told  by  the  fame 
author,  f  "  That  the  king  of  Benin  is 
44  ^bie  upon  occafion  to  maintain  an  army 
"  of  a  hundered  thoufand  men ;  but  that 
46  for  the  molt  part,  he  does  not  keep  thirty 
"  thoufand."  William  Smith  fays,   "  The 

natives 

*  J.  Barbot,  page  358.  359,      i  Barbot,  r>.  569, 


(  39  ) 
c  natives  are  all  free  men ;  none  but  fo 
c  reigners  can  be  bought  and  fold  there,  f 
c  They  are  very  charitable,  the  king  as  well 
'  as  his  fubjecb."  Bofman  confirms  this,  J 
and  fays,  u  The  king  and  great  lords  fubfift 
c  feveral  poor  at  their  place  of refidence  on 
1  charity,  employing  thofe  who  are  fit  for 
c  any  work,  and  the  reft  they  keep  for 
6  God's  fake,  fo  that  here  are  no  beggars/' 

As  to  religion  thefe  people  believe  there 
s  a  God  the  efficient  caufe  of  all  things,  but 
ike  the  reft  of  the  Guineans  they  are  fuper« 
ftitioufly  and  idolatrouily  inclined. 

The  laft  divifion  of  Guinea-frorn  which 
flaves  are  imported ;  are  the  kingdoms  of 
Kongo  and  Angola,  thefe  lye  to  the  fouth 
of  Benin,  extending  with  the  intermediate- 
land  about  twelve  hundered  'miles  on  the 
Coaft.  Great  numbers  of  the  natives  of 
both  thele  kingdoms  profefs  the  chriftian 
religion,  which  was  long  fince  introduced 
by  the  Portuguefe,  who  made  early  fettle- 
ments  in  that  country. 

In  the  Collection  it  is  faid,  that  both  in 
Kongo  and  Angola  the  foil  is  in  general 
fruitful,  producing  great  plenty  of  grain, 
Indian  corn  and  fuch  quantities  of  rice  that 
it  hardly  bears  any  price,  with  fruits,  roots 
and  palm  oyl  in  plenty. 

The 
^— r  r       t 

t  W'  Smith,  p,  369  J  Bofman,  p.  409; 


(     40     ) 

The  natives  are  generally  a  quiet  people 
who   difcover   a  good  underftanding,  and 
behave  in  a  friendly  manner  to  ftrangers, 
being  of  a  mi!d  converfation,  affable  and 
eafily  overcome  with"  reafon. 

In  the  government  of  Kongo,  the  king 
appoints  a  judge  in  every  particular  divifion, 
to  hear  and  determine  difputes  and  civil 
caufes ;  the  judges  imprifon  and  releafe,  or 
impofe  fines  according  to  the  rule  of  cuftora; 
but  in  weighty  matters  every  one  may  ap- 
peal to  the  king,  before  whom  all  criminal 
caufes  are  brought, in  which  he  giveth  fen- 
tence;  but  feldom  condemneth  to  death. 

The  town  of  Leango  ftands  in  the  midft 
of  four  lordlhips,  which  abound  in  cornr 
fruit  &c.  Here  they  make  great  quantities 
of  cloth  of  divers  kinds  very  fine  and  curi- 
ous ;  the  inhabitants  are  feldom  idle :  they 
even  make  needle  work  caps  as  they  walk  in 
the  ftreets. 

The  Have  trade  is  here  principally  ma- 
naged by  the  Portuguefe ;  who  carry  the 
trade  far  up  into  the  inland  countries.  They 
are  faid  to  fend  off  from  thefe  parts  fifteen 
thoufand  flaves  each  year. 

At  Angola,  about  the  ioth  degree  of  fouth 
latitude  ends  the  trade  for  flaves. 


C'H  A  P. 


(    4i     ) 


CHAP.    IV. 

THE    ancienteft  accounts  of  the 

Negroes,  is  from  the  Nubian  Geography, 
and  the  writings  of  Leo  the  African. 
Some  account  of  thofe  authors.  The 
Arabians  pafs  into  Guinea.  The  innocen- 
cy  and  fimplicityof  the  natives.  They 
are  fubdued  by  the  Moors.  Heli  Ifchia 
fhakes  off  the  Moorifli  yoke.  The  Por- 
tuguefe  make  the  finft  defcent  in  Guinea  ; 
from  whence  they  carry  off  fome  of  the 
natives  :  More  incurfions  of  the  like  kind, 
ThePortuguefe  ereft  the  firft  fort  atD'EI- 
mina  :  They  begin  the  flave  trade.  Cada 
Mofto's  teftimony.  Anderfon's  account 
to  the  fame  purport.  Dela  Gaza's  concern 
for  the  relief  of  the  oppreffed  Indians. 
Goes  over  into  Spain  to  plead  their  cauie, 
His  fpeech  before  Charles  the  fifth. 

TH  E  moft  ancient  account  we  have  of 
the  country  of  the  Negroes,  particu- 
larly that  part  fituate  on  and  between  the 
two  great  rivers  of  Senegal  and  Gambia,  is 
from  the  writings  of  two  ancient  authors, 
one  an  Arabian  and  the  other  a  Moor.    The 

firft 


(  r-   ) 

firft  |  wrote  in  Arabic  about  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury.    His  works  printed  in  that  language 
at    Rome,    were   afterwards    tranflated  in- 
to Latin  and  printed  at  Paris,  underthe  pa- 
tronage of  the  famous  Thuanus,  chancellor 
of   France,    with  the  title  of    Geographica 
NubienJiSt  containing  an  account  of  all   the 
nations  lying  on  the  Senegal  and  Gambia. 
The  other  wrote  by  John  Leo,  J  a    Moor 
born    at   Granada,     in  Spain,    before    the 
Moors  were  totally  expelled  from  that  king- 
dom.    He  refided  in  Africa  ;  but  being  on 
a  voyage  from  Tripoli  to  Tunis,  was  taken 
by  fome  Italian  Corfairs,  who  finding    him 
poffeffed  of  feveral   Arabian  books,  beiides 
his  own  manufcripts,  apprehended  him  to  be 
a  man  of  learning*  and  as  fuch  prefented  him 
to     Pope  Leo  the    ioth.      This   Pope  en- 
couraging him,  he  embraced  the  Romifh  re- 
ligion ;    and   his  description  of  Africa  was 
published  in  Italian.     From  thefe  writings 
we  gather,  that  after  the  mahometan  religi- 
on had  extended  to  the  kingdom  of  Moroc- 
co, fome  of  the  promoters  of  it,  croffingthe 
iandy  defarts  of  Numedia,  which  feparates 
that  country  from  Guinea,  found  it  inhabi- 
ted by  men,    who  tho'  under  no  regular 
government  and  deftitute  of  that  knowledge 
the 

f   Sec  travels  into  different  parts  of  Africa   by   rr. 
Moor,  with  a  letter  tp  the  pubiiflur. 
i  Ibid. 


(    43    ) 
the  Arabians   were  favoured  with,  lived  in 
content  and  peace.     The  firft  author  parti- 
cularly remarks,  "  That  they  never  made 
44  war  or  travelled  abroad ;  but    employed 
"  themfelves  in  tending  their  herds,  or  la- 
44  bouring  in  the  ground.     J  :  Leo  fays  p. 
"  6$.  That  they  lived  in  common,  having 
44  no  property  in  land,  no  tyrant  nor  fupe- 
"  rior  lord,  but  fupported  themfelves  in  an 
44  equal  ftate,  upon  the  natural  produce  of 
44  the   country,    which  afforded  plenty  of 
44  roots,  game  and  honey.     That  ambition 
"  or  avarice  never  drove  them  into  foreign 
44  countries  to  fubdue  or  cheat  their  neigh- 
46  bours.     Thus  they  lived  without  toil  or 
44  fuperfluities."      "  The   ancient    inhabi- 
4C  tants  of  Morrocco  who  wore  coats  of  mail, 
44  and  ufed  fwords  and  fpears  headed  with 
44  iron,  coming  amongft  thefe  harmlefs  and 
4C  naked  people,  foon  brought  them  under 
44  fubjeftion,  and  divided  that  part  of  Guinea 
44  which  lies  on  the  rivers  Senegal  and  Gam- 
44  bia  into  fifteen  parts  ;  thofe  were  the  fif- 
44  teen  kingdoms  of  the  Negroes,  over  which 
44  the  Moors  prefided  and  the  common  peo- 
44  pie  were  Negroes.      Thefe  Moors  taught 
44  the  Negroes  the  mahometan  religion  and 
44  arts  of  life  ;  particularly  the  ufe  of  iron,  be- 
44  fore  unknown  to  them  :  About  the  14th. 
44  century,  a  native  Negro  called  Helilfchia 
44  expelled  the  Moorilh  conquerors;  but  the 

44  ti 


« 


(    44    ) 
the  Negroes  threw  off  theyokeof  a  foreign 
"  nation,  they  only  changed  a  Libyan  for  a  Ne- 
"  groemafter.  Heli  Ifchia  himfelf  becoming 
"  king,  led  the  Negroes  on  to  foreign  wars 
4<  andeftabli&edhirnfelf  in  power  over  a  very 
c<  large  extent  of  country."  Since  Leo's  time, 
the  Europeans  have  had  very  littleknowledge 
cfthofepartsofAfrica;nor  do  they  know  what 
became  of  his  great  empire*  It  is  highlyproba- 
blethat  it  broke  into  pieces,  and  that  the  na- 
tives  again  refumed  many  of  their  ancient 
cuftoms  ;  for  in  the  account  publifhed  by 
William  Moor,  in  his  travels  on  the  river 
Gambia,  we  find  a  mixture  of  the  Moorifli 
and  mahometan   cuftoms,  joined  with  the 
original  fimplicity  of  the  Negroes.     It  ap- 
pears by  accounts  of  ancient  voyages,  col- 
lected by  Hackluit,  Purchafe  and  others, 
that  it  was  about  fifty  years  before  the  dif- 
covery  of  America,  that  the  Portuguefe  at- 
tempted to  fail  round  cape  Bojadorwhichlays 
between  their  country  and  Guinea  ;  this  af- 
ter divers  repulfes,  occafioned  by  the  violent 
currents,  they  effected  ;  when  landing  on  the 
weftern  coafts  of  Africa  they  foon  began  to 
make  incurfions  into  the  country  and  to  feize 
and  carry  off  the  native  inhabitants.      As 
early  as  the  year    1434,  Alonzo  Gonzales, 
the  firft  who  is  recorded  to  have  met  with 
the  natives,  being  on  that  coaft,   purfued 

and 


(  45  ) 
and  attacked  a  number  of  them,  when  fome 
were  wounded,  as  was  alfo  one  of  the  Por- 
tuguefe, which  the  author  records,  as  the 
firtt  blood  fpilt  by  chriftians  in  thofe  parts. 
Six  years  after,  the  fame  Gonzales  again  at- 
tacked the  natives,  and  took  twelve  prifon- 
ers  ;  with  whom  he  returned  to  his  vef- 
fels  ;  he  afterwards  put  a  woman  on  fliore, 
in  order  to  induce  the  natives  to  redeem  the 
prifoners  ;  but  the  next  day  150  of  the  in- 
habitants appeared  on  horfes  and  camels, 
provoking  the  Portuguefe  to  land,  which 
they  not  daring  to  venture,  the  natives  dis- 
charged a  volley  of  ftones  at  them,  and 
went  off.  After  this  the  Portuguefe  ftill 
continued  to  fend  veffels  on  the  coaft  of  A- 
frica,  particularly  we  read  of  their  falling  on 
a  village,  whence  the  inhabitants  fled  and 
being  purfued,  25  were  taken.  "  He  that 
M  ran  beft^  fays  the  author •,  taking  the  moft  : 
"  in  their  way  home  they  killed  fome  of 
"  the  natives,  and  took  fifty- five  more  pri- 
f*  foners.  f  Afterwards  Dinifanes  Dagra- 
"  ma,  with  two  other  veffels  landed  on  the 
"  ifland  Arguin,  where  they  took  54  Moors; 
"  then  running  along  the  cGaft  80  leagues 
f*  farther  they  atfeveral  times  took  50  {laves; 
"  but  here  feven  of  the  Portuguefe  were  kill- 
cc  ed.  Then  beingjoinedby  feveralothervef- 
"  fels,  Dinifanes  propofed  to  deftroy  the 
F "  ifland 

f  Colle&ion,  vol.  1,  page  13. 


(  4<  ) 
£<  ifland,  to  revenge  the  lofs  of  the  feven  Por- 
**  tuguefe,  ofwhich  the  Moor's  beingappriz- 
"  ed  fled ;  fo  that  no  more  than  1 2  were  found 
c<  whereof  only  four  could  be  taken  ;  the 
cc  reft  being  killed,  as  alfo  one  of  the  Por- 
"  tuguefe."  Many  more  captures  of  this 
kind,  on  the  coaft  of  Barbary  and  Guinea, 
are  recorded  to  have  been  made  in  thofe  ear- 
ly times  by  the  Portuguefe  j  who  in  the 
year  1481,  erected  their  fir  ft  for  tat  D'Elmina 
on  that  coaft,  from  whence  they  foon  open- 
ed a  trade  for  flaves  with  the  Inland  parts  of 
Guinea. 

From  the  foregoing  accounts  it  is  un- 
doubted that  the  practice  of  making  flaves 
of  the  Negroes,  owes  it  origin  to  the  early 
incurfions  of  the  Portuguefe  on  the  coaft  of 
Africa,  folely  from  an  inordinate  delire  of 
gain  ;  this  is  clearly  evidenced  from  their 
own  hiftorians,  particularly  Cada  Mofto  a- 
boutthe  year  1455,  who  writes,  "  *  That 
cc  before  the  trade  was  fettled  for  purchaf- 
"  ing  flaves  from  the  Moors  at  Arguin, 
<c  fometimes  four,  and  fometimes  more  Por- 
€C  tuguefe  veffels,  were  ufed  to  come  to  that 
cc  gulf,  well  armed,  and  landing  by  night 
V  would  furprife  fome  fiftiermen's  villages  ; 
"  that  they  even  entered  into  the  country 
cc  and  carried  off  Arabs  of  both  fexes,  whom 
"  they  fold  in  Portugal."  And  alfo  "  That 

"  the 

c 

*  Colle&ion,  vol.  1.  page,  576. 


(    47    ) 

u  rfie  Portuguefe  and  Spaniards  fettled  on 
"  four  of  the  Canary  iflands,  would  go 
*  to  the  other  ifland,  by  night,  and  feize 
cc  fome  of  the  natives  of  both  fexes,  whom 
"  they  fent  to  be  fold  in  Spain." 

After  the  fettlement  of  America  thofe  de- 
valuations and  the  captivating  the  miferable 
Africans  greatly  increafed. 

Anderfon  in  his  hiftory  of  trade  and  com- 
merce, at  page  336,  fpeaking  of  what  paflf- 
£din  theyeari5o8,  writes"  That  the  Spani- 
*<  ardshadbythis  time  found  that  the  mifer- 
u  able  Indian  natives,  whom  they  had  made 
<c  to  work  in  their  mines  and  fields,  were  not 
"  fo  robuft  and  proper  for  thofe  purpofes, 
\  %c  as  Negroes,  brought  from  Africa;  where- 
1  ^  *<  fore  they,  about  that  time,  began  to  im- 
"  port  Negroes  for  that  end  into  Hifpaniola, 
"  from  the  Portuguefe  fettlements,  on  the 
"  Guinea  coafts;  and  alfo  afterwards  for  their 
cc  fugar  works  ;"  This  oppreffion  of  the  In- 
dians, had,  even  before  this  time,  rouzed 
the  zeal,  as  well  as  it  did  the  compaflion  of 
fome  of  the  truly  pious  of  that  day  ;  parti- 
cularly that  of  Bartholomew  Delas  Cafas, 
bifhop  of  Chapia  ;  whom  a  defire  of  being 
inftrumental  towards  the  converfion  of  the 
Indians,  had  invited  into  America.  It  is  ge- 
nerally agreed,  by  the  writers  of  that  age, 
that  he  was  a  man  of  perfect  difintereftednefs, 
and  ardent  charity  ;  being  affected  with  this 
F,  1  ^  fad 


(    43    ) 
fad  fpe6tacle,  he  returned  to  the  court  of 
Spain,  and  there  made  a  true  report  of  the 
matter  ;  but  not  without  being  ftrongly  op- 
pofed   by  thofe  mercenary  wretches,    who 
had  enflaved  the  Indians  ;  yet  being  flrong 
and    indefatigable,  he  went  to  and  fro,  be- 
tween Europe  and  America,  firmly  deter- 
mined not  to  give  over  his  purfuit,  but  with 
his  life.     After  long  folicitation   and  innu- 
merable repulfes,    he  obtained  leave  to  lay 
the  matter  before  the  Emperor  Charles  the 
fifth,    then  King    of  Spain.     As    the  con- 
tents of  the  fpeech  he  made  before  the  King 
in  council,  are  very  applicable  to  the  cafe  of 
the  enflaved  Africans,  and  a  lively  evidence 
that  the  fpirit  of  true  piety  fpeaks  the  fame 
language  in  the  hearts  of  faithful  men,  in 
all  ages,  for  the  relief  of  their  fellow  crea- 
tures, from  oppreilion  of  every  kind,  I  think 
it  may  not  be   improper,  here  to  tranfcribe 
the  moft  interefiing  parts  of  it.     <;  I  was, 
"  fays  this  pious  bifhop,  one  of  the  firft  who 
"  went  to  America  ;  neither  curioi'ky,    nor 
6i  intereft     prompted  me  to   undertake  fo 
"  long  and  dangerous  a  voyage,   the  faving 
"  the  fouls  of  the  heathen  was  my  fole  ob- 
"  jech     Why  was  I  not  permitted,  even  at 
"  the  expence  of  my  blood,  to  ranfom   fo 
"  many  thoufand  fouls,  who  fell  unhappy 
"  victims  to  avarice  or  luft  ?     I  have  been 
"  an  eye  witnefs  to  fuch  cruel  treatment  of 

"  the 


a 


a 


(    49    ) 
ff  the  Indians,  as  is  too  horrid  to  be  menti" 

u  oned  at  this  time, It  is  faid  that  bar" 

cc  barous  executions  were  neceflary  to  pu- 
"  nifli  or  check  the  rebellion  of  the  Ameri- 
"  cans  ; — but  to  whom  was  this  owing  ? 
"  did  not  thofe  people  receive  the  Spaniards 
"  who  firft  came  amongft  them  with  gentle- 
"  nefs  and  humanity  ?  Did  they  not  fhew 
more  joy,  in  proportion,  in  lavishing 
treafure  upon  them,  than  the  Spaniards 
di<4  greedinefs  in  receiving  it  ? — but  our 
avarice  was  not  yet  fatisfied  ; — tho'  they 
gave  up  to  us  their  land  and  their  riches, 
"  we  would  tear  from  them  their  wives,  their 

"  children  and  their  liberties. To  black- 

"  en  thefe  unhappy  people,  their  enemies 
"  aflert,  that  they  are  fcarce  human  crea- 
"  tures  ; — but  it  is  we  that  ought  to  blufh, 
for  having  been  lefs  men,  and  more  bar- 
barous   than  they.- What  right  have 

we  to  enflave  a  people  who  are  born  free 
and  whom  we  difturbed,  tho'  they  never 

offended  us  ? They  arereprefentedas 

a  ftupid  people,  addicted  to  vice  ; — but 
have  they  not  contracted  moft  of  their 
vices  from  the  example  of  the  chriftians  ? 
And  as  to  thofe  vices  peculiar  to  them- 
felves5i  have  not  the  chriftians  quickly  ex- 
ceeded them  therein  ?  Neverthelefs  it 
mud  be  granted,  that  the  Indians  ftili  re- 
main untainted  with  many  vices  ufual  a- 
F  3  "  mongft. 


a. 


(    5*  ) 

mongft  the  Europeans  ;  fuch  as  ambition, 
blafphemy,  treachery,  and  many  like 
monfters,  which  have  not  yet  took  place 
with  them  ;  they  have  fcarce  an  idea  of 
them  ;  fo  that  in  effect,  all  the  advantage 
we  can  claim,  is  to  have  more  elevated 
notions  of  things,  and  our  natural  facul- 
ties more  unfolded  and  more  cultivated 

than  theirs. Don't  let  us  flatter  our 

corruptions,  nor  voluntarily  blind  our- 
felves  ;  all  nations  are  equally  free*;  one 
nation  has  no  right  to  infringe  upon  the 
freedom  of  any  other  ;  let  us  do  towards 
thefe  people  as  we  would  have  them  to 
have  done  towards  us,  if  they  had  land- 
ed upon  our  fhore,  with  the  fame  fuperi- 
ority  of  ftrength.  And  indeed,  why 
fhould  not  things  be  equal  on  both  fides  ? 
How  long  has  the  right  of  the  ftrongeft 
been  allowed  to  be  the  balance  of  juftice? 
What  part  of  the  gofpel  gives  a  fancHon 
to  fuch  a  do&rine  ?  In  what  part  of  the 
whole  earth  did  the  apoitles  and  the  firft  pro- 
mulgators of  the  gofpel  ever  claim  aright  o- 
ver  thelives,  thefreedom,  or  thefubftance 
of  the  Gentiles  ?  What  a  ftrange  method 
this  of  propagating  the  gofpel,  that  holy 
law  of  grace,  which  from  being  flaves  to 
Satan,    initiates  us  into  the  freedom  .of 

the  children  of  God  ! Will  it  be  poffi- 

ble  for  us  to  infpire  them  with  a  love  to 

«  its 


(    51     ) 

**  its  dictates,  while  they  are  fo  exafperat- 
"  ed  at  being  difpoffefled  of  that  invaluable 
cc  blefling,  Liberty  ?  The  apoftles  fubmitted 
ft  to  chains  themfelves,  but  loaded  no  maa 
"  with  them*       Chrift  came  to  free  not  to 

«  enflave  us.- Submifliqrv  to  the  faith 

"  he  left  us,  ought  to  be  a  voluntary  act^ 
"  and  fhould  be  propagated  by  perfuafion, 
"  gentlenefs  and  reafon.** 

"  At  my  firft  arrival  in  Hifpaniola,  add- 
4C  ed  the  biftiop,  it  contained  a  million  of 
"  inhabitants,  and  now  (viz.  in  the  fpace 
"  of  about  twenty  years)  there  remains  fcarce 
"  the  hundredth  part  of  them  ;- — thoufands 
•*  have  perifhed  thro5  want,  fatigue,  merci- 
u  lefs  punifhment,  cruelty  and  barbarity. 
"  If  the  blood  of  one  man  unjuftly  fhed, 
"  calls  loudly  for  vengeance,  how  ftrong 
"  mull  be  the  cry  of  that  offo  many  unhap- 
"  py  creatures  which  is  fhedding  daily  ?M — 
The  good  bifhop  concluded  his  fpeech,  with 
imploring  the  king's  clemency  for  fubje&s 
fo  unjuftly  oppreifed ;  and  bravely  declared, 
that  heaven  would  one  day  call  him  to  an 
account,  for  the  numberlefs  acts  of  cruelty 
which  he  might  have  prevented.  The  king 
applauded  the  bifliop's  zeal  ;  promifed  to 
fecond  it ;  but  fo  many  of  the  great  ones 
had  an  intereft  in  continuing  the  oppreflion, 
that  nothing  was  done  ;  fo  that  all  the  In- 
dians   in   Hifpaniola,    except  a  few    who 

had 


(    5*     ) 
had  hid  themfelves  in    the  moft  inacceflible 
mountains,  weredeflroyed. 


CHAP.     V, 

Firft  account  of  the  Englifh  trading 

to  Guinea.  Thomas  Windham  and  feve- 
ral  others  go  to  that  coaft.  Some  of  the 
Negroes  carried  of  by  the  Englifh.  Queen 
Elizabeth's  charge  to  captain  Hawkins  re- 
fpecting  the  natives  :  Neverthelefs  he 
goes  on  the  coaft  and  carries  off  fome  of 
the  Negroes.  Patents  are  granted.  The 
king  of  France  objects  to  the  Negroes  be- 
ing kept  in  flavery  :  As  do  the  college  of 
Cardinals  at  Rome.  The  natives,  anin- 
offenfive  people  j  corrupted  by  the  Euro- 
peans. The  fentiments  of  the  natives 
concerning  the  Have-trade,  from  William 
Smith  :  Confirmed  by  Andrew  Brue  and 
James  Barbot. 

IT  was  about  the  year  1551,  towards  the 
latter  end  of  the  reign  of  king  Edward 
the  fixth,  when  fome  London  merchants 
fent  out  the  firft  Englifh  fhip,  on  a  trading 
voyage  to  the  coaft  of  Guinea  ;  this  was  foon 
ellow  ed  by  feveral  ethers  to  the  fame  parts; 

but. 


(    53    ) 
but  the  Englifh  not  having  then  any  planta- 
tions in  the  Weft  Indies,  and  consequently 
no  occafion  for  Negroes,  fuch  {hips  traded 
only  for  gold,  Elephants  teeth  and  Guinea 
pepper.     This  trade  was  carried  on  at  the 
hazard  of  loiing  their   fhips  and  cargoes,  if 
they  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Portu- 
guefe,    who  claimed  an  exclufive  right  of 
trade,  on  account  of  the  feveral  fettlements 
they  had  made  there.  *  In  the  year  1 553,  we 
find  captain  Thomas  Windham  trading  along 
the  coaft  with  140  men,  in  three  fhips,  and 
failing  as   far  as   Benin,  which   lies    about 
3000  miles  down  the  coaft,  to  take  in  aload  of 
pepper,  j-     Next  year  John  Lock  traded  a- 
long  the  coaft  of  Guinea,  as  far  as  D'Elmina, 
when  he  brought  away  confiderable  quanti- 
ties of  gold  and  ivory.     He  fpeaks  well  of 
the    natives,    and  fays,    J    "  That  whoever 
"  will  deal  with  them  muft  behave  civilly,  for 
"  they  will  not  traffic  if  ill  ufed"     In    1555, 
William    Towerfon  traded  in  a    peaceable 
manner  with  the  natives,  who  made  com- 
plaint to  him  of  the  Portuguefe,  who  were 
then  fettled  in  their  caftle  at  D'Elmina,  fay- 
ing, "  They  were  bad  men,    who  made   them 
"  flaves  if  they  could  take  them,  putting  irons  on 
"  their  legs." 

This 

*  Aftley's  Colle&ion,  vol.   1  page,  139.    * 
\  Collection  vol.  1.  p.  148. 
\.  Ibid.   157. 


(  54  ) 
This  bad  example  of  the  Portuguefe,  was 
foon  followed  by  fome  evil  difpofed  Englifh- 
men,  for  the  fame  captain  Towerfon  relates^ 
"  f  That  in  the  courfe  of  his  voyage,  he 
*4  perceived  the  natives,  near  D'Elmina,  un- 
*  willing  to  come  to  him,  and  that  he  was 
M  at  laft  attacked  by  them  j  which  he  un- 
u  derftood  was  done  in  revenge  for  the 
"  wrong  done  them,  the  year  before,  by 
"  one  captain  Gainfh,  who  had  taken  away 
"  the  Negro  captain's  fon,  and  three  others* 
"  with  their  gold  &c.  this  caufed  them  to 
"  join  the  Portuguefe,  notwkhftanding. 
**  their  hatred  of  them,  againfl  the  Eng- 
"  liftw"  The  next  year  captain  Towerfon 
brought  thefe  men  back  again  ;  wrhereuporr 
the  Negroes  fhew'd  him  much  kmdneis.  | 
(Quickly  after  this  another  inftance  of  the 
?4me  kind  occurred,  in  the  cafe  of  captain 
George  Fenner,  who,  being  on  the  coaft 
•with  three  veffels,  was  alfo  attacked  by  the 
Negroes,  who  wounded  feveral  of  his  peo- 
ple, and  violently  carried  three  of  his  men 
to  their  town.  The  captain  fent  a  meffen- 
ger,  offering  any  thing  they  defired  for  the 
ranfom  of  his  men  ;  but  they  refufed  to  de- 
liver them,  letting  him  know,  -  "  That 
"  three  weeks  before,    an  Engltjb  Jbip  which 

"  came 

f  Colle&ion,  vol.  i.  p.   148, 
%  Ibid.  157. 


(  5$  ) 
€<  came  in  the  road,  had  carried  off  three  of 
"  their  people,  and  that  tilt  they  were  brought 
"  again  they  would  not  reflore  his  men,  even  the? 
"  they  foould  give  their  three  fhips  to  releafe 
"  them."  It  was  probably  the  evil  conduct 
of  thefe  and  fome  other  Englishmen,  which 
was  the  occafion  of  what  is  mentioned  in 
Hill's  naval  hiftory,  viz.  "  That  when  cap- 
"  tain  Hawkins  returned  from  his  firft  voy- 
"  age  to  Africa,  Queen  Elizabeth  lent  for 
"  him,  when  flie  exprefTed  her  concern, 
"  leaft  any  of  the  African  Negroes  Ihould 
"  be  carried  off  without  their  free  confent ; 
."  which  (he  declared  would  be  deteftable., 
"  and  would  call  down  the  vengeance  of 
"  heaven  upon  the  undertakers."  Hawkins 
made  great  promifes,  which  neverthelefs  he 
did  not  perform,  for  his  next  voyage  to  the 
coaft  appears  to  have  been  principally  cal- 
culated to  procure  Negro  flaves ;  in  order 
to  fell  them  to  the  Spaniards  in  the  Weft  In- 
dies ;  which  occafioned  the  fame  author  to 
ufe  thefe  remarkable  words.  "  Here  bega?z 
"  the  horrid 'practice  of  forcing  the  Africans  in- 
iQ  toflavery,  an  injuflice  and  barbarity,  which, 
€Q  fo  fure  as  there  is  vengeance  in  heaven  for 
"  the  worfl  of  crimes  will  fometime  be  the  de- 
"  flrudion  of  all  who  ad  or  who  encourage  it." 
This  captain  Hawkins,  afterwards  fir  John 
Hawkins,  feems  to  have  been  the  firft  Eng- 
lishman who  gave  public  countenance  to  this 

wicked 


(  5<*  ) 
wicked  traffic  :  For  Anderfon  before  menti- 
oned, at  page  461,  fays,  "  That  in  the 
44  year  1562,  captain  Hawkins,  aflifted  by 
"  fubfcription  of  fundry  gentlemen,  now 
44  fitted  out  three  fhips,  and  having  learnt 
4C  that  Negroes  were  a  very  good  commodi- 
44  tyin  Hifpaniola,  he  failed  to  the  coaft  of 
44  Guinea,  took  in  Negroes,  and  failed  with 
44  them  for  Hifpaniola,  where  he  fold  them, 
44  and  his  Englifh  commodities,  and  loaded 
44  his  three  veffels  with  hides,  fugar  and 
44  ginger,  &c.  with  which  he  returned 
44  home,  anno.  1563,  making  a  profperous 
44  voyage."  As  it  proved  a  lucrative  bufi- 
nefs,  the  trade  was  continued  both  by 
Hawkins  and  others,  as  appears  from  the  na- 
val chronicle,  page  55,  where  it  is  faid, 
44  That  on  the  18th  of  O&ober,  1564,  cap- 
44  tain  John  Hawkins  with,  two  fhips  of  700 
44  and  140  tuns  failed  for  Africa,  that  on 
44  the  8th  December  they  anchored  to  the 
"  fouth  of  Cape  Verd,  where  the  captain 
44  manned  the  boat,  and  fent  eighty  men  in 
44  armour,  in  the  country ;  to  fee  if  they 
44  could  take  fome  Negroes,  but  the  natives 
44  flying  from  them,  they  returned  to  their 
44  fhips,  and  proceeded  farther  down  the 
44  coaft  ;  here  they  ftaid  certain  days,  fend- 
44  ing  their  men  afhore,  in  order,  as  theau- 
44  thor  fays,  to  burn  and  fpoil  their  towns 
«  and  take  the  inhabitants.     The  land  they 

44  obferved 


(  57  ) 
cc  observed  to  be  well  cultivated,  there  be- 
"  ing  plenty  of  grain  and  fruit  of  feveral 
"  forts,  and  the  towns  prettily  laid  out.  On 
"  the  25th.,  being  informed  by  the  Por.tu- 
xi  guefe,  of  a  town  of  Negroes  called  Bym- 
"  ba,  where  there  was  not  only  a  quantity 
"  of  gold,  but  140  inhabitants,  they  refolv- 
"  ed  to  attack  it,  having  the  Portuguefe  for 
*c  their  guide  ;  but  by  mifmanagement 
€Q  they  took  but  ten  Negroes,  having  feven 
"  of  their  own  men  killed  and  27  wounded, 
"  They  then  went  farther  down  the  coaft, 
"  when  having  procured  a  number  of  Ne- 
<Q  groes,  they  proceeded  to  the  Weft  Indies, 
ic  where  they  fold  them  to  the  Spaniards/* 
And  in  the  fame  naval  chronicle,  at  page  76', 
it  is  faid,  "  That  in  the  year  1567,  Francis 
"  Drake,  before  performing  his  voyage 
"  round  the  world,  went  with  fir  John 
"  Hawkins,  in  his  expedition  to  the  coaft 
"  of  Guinea,  where  taking  in  a  cargoe  of 
"  flaves,  they  determined  to  fteer  for  the 
"  Carribee  Iilands."  How  queen  Elizabeth 
fuffered  fo  grievous  an  infringement  of  the 
rights  of  mankind  to  be  perpetrated  by  her 
fubjecls  ;  and  howfhe  was  perfuaded  about 
the  30th  year  of  her  reign,  to  grant  patents 
for  carrying  on  a  trade  from  the  north  part 
of  the  river  Senegal,  to  an  hundred  leagues 
beyond  Siera  Leona,  which  gave  rife  to  the 
prefeut  African  company,  is  hard  to  account 
G  for, 


(    58    ) 

for,  any  otherwife  than  to  have  arifen  from 
the  mifreprefentation  made  to  her  of  the  fi- 
tuation  of  the  Negroes,  and  of  the  advan- 
tages, it  was  pretended,  they  would  reap  from 
being  made  acquainted  with  the  chriftian 
religion.  This  was  the  cafe  of  Lewis  the 
13th,  king  of  France,  who  Labat,  in  his 
account  of  the  ifles  of  America,  tells  us, 
44  Was  extreamly  uneafy  at  a  law  by  which 
44  the  Negroes  of  his  colonies  were  to  be 
4C  made  flaves ;  but  it  being  ftrongly  urged 
u  to  him,  as  the  readied  means  for  their 
46  conversion  to  chriftianity,  he  acquiefed 
44  therewith."  Nevertheless,  fome  of  the 
chriftian  powers  did  not  fo  eafily  give  way 
in  this  matter,  for  we  find,  M  f  That  cardie 
46  nal  Cibo,  one  of  the  Pope's  principal  mi- 
4i  nifters  of  ftate,  wrote  a  letter  on  behalf 
44  of  the  college  of  cardinals  or  great  coun- 
44  cil  at  Rome,  to  the  miffionaries  in  Congo, 
44  complaining  that  the  pernicious  and  abo- 
w  minable  abufe  of  felling  flaves  was  yet  con- 
44  tinued  ;  requiring  them  to  remedy  the 
44  fame  if  poffible,  but  this  the  miffionaries 
Ci  law  little  hopes  of  accomplishing,  byrea- 
4C  fon  that  the  trade  of  the  country  lay 
4C  wholly  in  flaves  and  ivory." 

From  the  foregoing  accounts,  as  well  as  o- 
ther  authentick  publications  of  this  kind,  it 
appears  that,  it  was  the  luft  of  unwarrantable 

gain, 

t  Collection,  vol.  3.  page  164. 


(    59    ) 

gain,  which  firft  ftimulated  the  Portuguefe, 
and  afterwards  other  Europeans,  to  engage 
in  this  horrid  trafiick.  By  the  moft  authen- 
tick  relations  of  thofe  early  times  the  natives 
were  an  inoffenfive  people,  who  when  civil- 
ly ufedv  traded  amicably  with  the  Europe- 
ans. Its  recorded  of  thofe  of  Benin,  the 
largeil:  kingdom  in  Guinea,  f  That  they 
were  a  gentle  loving  people,  and  Reynold  fays, 
ts  I  They  found  more  fincere  proofs  of  love  and 
"  good  will  from  the  natives,  than  they,  could 
U  find  f torn  the  Spaniards  and  Portuguefe,  even 
"  tho*  they  had  relieved  them  from  the  greatefl 
£*  tnifery"  And  from  the  fame  relations 
there  is  no  reafon  to  think  otherwife  but 
that  they  generally  lived  in  peace  amongft 
.themfelves  ;  for  I  don't  find,  in  the  nume- 
rous publications  I  have  perufed  on  this  fub- 
je£t,  relating  to  thefe  early  times,  of  there  be- 
ing wars  on  thatcoaft,  nor  of  any  fale  of  cap- 
tives taken  in  battle,  who  would  have  been 
otherwife  facrificed  by  the  victors  *  :  Not- 
G   2  withftanding 

f  Collection,  vol.  i.  page  202. 

%  J-dem.   245.. 

#  Note,  this  plea  falls  of  itfelf,  for  if  the  Negroes 
apprehended  they  ihould  be  cruelly  put  to  death,  if 
they  were  not  lent  away,  why  do  they  manifeft  fuch 
reluctance  and  dread,  as  they  generally  do  at  being* 
brought  from  their  native  country  i  William  Smith  ac 
page  28,  fays,  M  The  Ganibians  abhor  Jlavejy;  and 'will  at- 
li  tempt  apy  thing*  tho"  finer  fo  defperate,  to  avoid  it ,"  and 
«  omas 


c  #>  I 

withftanding  fome  modern  authors,  in  their 
publications,  relating  to  the  Weft  Indies, 
defirous  of  throwing  a  vail  over  the  iniquity 
of  the  Have  trade,  have  been  hardy  enough, 
upon  ineer  fuppolition  or  report,  to  aflert 
the  contrary, 

It  was  long  after  the  Portuguefe  had 
made  a  practice  of  violently  forcing  the  na- 
tives of  Africa  into  flavery,  that  we  read  of 
the  different  Negroe  nations  making  war  up- 
on each  other,  and  felling  their  captives. 
And  probably  this  was  not  the  cafe,  till 
thofe  bordering  on  the  coaft,  who  had  been 
ufed  to  fupply  the  veflels  with  nrceffaries, 
had  become  corrupted,  by  their  inter- 
courfe  with  the  Europeans,  and  were  exci- 
ted by  drunkennefs  and  avarice  to  join  them 
in  earning  on  thofe  wicked  fchemes ;  by 
which  thofe  unnatural  wars  were  perpetrat- 
ed ;  the  inhabitants  kept  in  continual  alarms; 
the  country  laidwafte;  and  as  William  Moor 
exprefles  it,  Infinite  v.umbers  f&ld  into  flavery  ; 
but  that  the  Europeans  are  the  principal  caufe 
of  thefe  devaluations,  is  particularly  eviden- 
ced by  one,  whofe  connection  with  the  trade 

would 

,       .    .     -         -.....■ 

Thomas  Philips  in  his  account  of  a  voyage  he  perform' 
cd  to  the  coait  of  Guinea,  writes,  "  They,  the  Negroes* 
M  are  Jc  hath  to  leave  their  <re^i  country ',  that  they  have  often 
n  leaped  ent  tf  the  canx,  bmt  or  fl?ip  into  the  fea,  and  kept 
« e  Widtr  water  I  ill  they  wen-dr&MKJte  avridtexg  taken  upz!  ■ 


C    6i     ) 

would  rather  induce  him  to  reprefent  it  in 
the  faireft  colours,  to  wit,  William  Smith, 
the  perfon  fent  in  the  year  1726,  by  the  A- 
frican  company  to  furvey  their  fettlements  j 
who,  from  the  information  he  received  of 
one  of  the  factors,  who  had  refided  ten 
years  in  that  country,  fays,  "  f  7 hat  the  dif 
4C  cerning  natives  account  it  their  great  eft  un- 
"  happinefs  that  they  were  ever  vifited  by  the 

u  Europeans ." u  That  we  chriftians  intra- 

M  duced  the  traffick  of  /laves ,  and  that  before 
u  our  coming  they  lived  in  peace?' 

In  the  accounts  relating  to  the  A- 
frican  trade,  we  find  this  melancholy  truth 
farther  afferted,  by  fome  of  the  principal 
directors  in  the  different  factories,  particular- 
ly^. Brue  fays,  "  \  "That  the  Europeans  were 
"  far  from  defiring  to  ad  as  peace-maker*  a- 
u  mongft  the  Negroes,  which  would  be  afling 
"  contrary  to  their  intereft,  fmce  the  greater  the 
"  wars  the  more /laves  were  procured"  And 
William  Bofman  alfo  remarks, "  |]  That  one 
"  of  the  former  commanders  gave  large  fums 
"  of  money  to  the  Negroes  of  one  nation  to  induce 
"  them  to  attack  fome  of  the  neighbouring  nati- 
"  ons,  which  occaftoned  a  battle  which  was 
"  more  bloody  than  the  wars  of  the  Negroes  ufu- 
G  3  "  ally 

■j-  William  Smith,  page  266. 
\  Collection  2  vol.  p.  98. 
\  Bofman  p.  31* 


(      62       ) 

ally  are"  This  is  confirmed  by  J.  Bar* 
bot,  who  fays,  "  That  the  country  of 'D'El- 
"  mina,  which  was  formerly  very  powerful  and 
populous,  was  in  his  timefo  much  drained  of 
its  inhabitants,  by  the  intefline  wars,  fo- 
mented amongfl  the  Negroes  by  the  Dutchy 
that  there  did  not  remain  enough  inhabitants. 
te  till  the  country"^ 


u 


a 


CHAP. 


(     *3    ) 


CHAP.     VI. 

The  conduct  of  the  Europeans  and 

Africans  compared.  Slavery  more  tole- 
rable amongft  the  ancients  than  in  our  co- 
lonies. As  chriftianity  prevailed  amongft 
the  barbarous  nations,  the  inconfiftency 
of  Slavery  became  more  apparent.  The 
charters  of  manumiffion,  granted  in  the 
early  times  of  chriftianity,  founded  on  an 
apprehenfion  of  duty  to  God.  The  an- 
cient Britons  and  other  European  nations, 
in  their  original  ftate,  no  lefs  barbarous 
than  the  Negroes.  Slaves  in  Guinea  ufed 
with  much  greater  lenity  than  the  Ne- 
groes  are  in    the    colonies. Note^ 

How  the  Haves  are  treated  in  Algiers  j  as 
alfo  in  Turkey. 

SUCH  is  the  woeful  corruption  of  human 
nature,  that  every  practice  which  flat- 
ters our  pride  and  covetoufriefs,  will  find  its 
advocates  ;  this  is  manifeftly  the  cafe  in  the 
matter  before  us  ;  the  favagenefs  of  the 
Negroes,  in  fome  of  their  cuftoms,  and  par- 
ticularly their  deviating  fo  far  from  the  feel- 
ings of  humanity,  as  to  join  in  captivating 

and 


(  ^  ) 

and  felling  each  other,  gives  their  inter  eft  ed 
oppreflbrs  a  pretence  for  reprefenting  them 
as  unworthy  of  liberty,  and  the  natural 
rights  of  mankind;  but  thefe  fophifters 
turn  the  argument  full  upon  themfelves, 
when  they  inftigate  the  poor  creatures  to 
fuch  jflbocking  impiety,  by  every  means  that 
fatanick  fubtilty  can  fuggeft ;  thereby 
fhewing  in  their  own  conduct  a  more  glaring 
proof  of  the  fame  depravity,  and,  if  there 
was  any  reafoa  in  die  argument,  a  greater 
unfitness  for  the  fame  precious  enjoyment; 
for  though  iomc  of  the  ignorant  Africans 
may  be  thus  corrupted  by  their  intercourfe 
with  the  bafer  of  the  European  natives,  and 
the  ufe  of  ftrong  liquors,  this  is  no  excufe 
for  high  profeffing  chrifiians,  (bred  in  a 
civilized  country,  with  fo  many  advantages 
unknown  to  the  Africans  ;  and  pretending 
to  a  fuperior  degree  of  gofpel  light.)  Nor 
can  it  juftify  them  in  railing  up  fortunes  to 
themfelves,  from  the  mifery  of  ethers, 
and  calmly  projecting  voyages  for  the  fei- 
zureof  men,  naturally  as  free  as  themfelves  ; 
and  who,  they  know,  are  no  otherwife  to 
be  procured,  than  by  fuch  barbarous  means, 
as  none  but  thofe  hardned  wretches  who  are 
loft  to  every  fenfe  of  chriftian  companion, 
can  make  ufe  of.  Let  us  diligently  compare 
and  impartially  weigh  the  iituation  of  thofe 
f^norant  Negroes, "and    thefe  enlightened 

chriftiansj 


(    *5    ) 

chriftians ;    then  lift  up  the  fcale  and  fay* 
which  of  the  two  are  the  greater  favagcs. 

Slavery  has  been  of  a  long  time  in  prac- 
tice in  many  parts  of  Alia ;  it  was  alfo  in 
ufage  among  the  Romans  when  that  empire 
fiourifhed  ;  but,  except  in  fome  particular 
inliances,  it  was  rather  a  reafonable  fervitude, 
no  ways  comparable  to  the  unreafonable  and 
unnatural  fervice  extorted  from  theNegroes 
in  our  colonies.  A  late  learned  author  * 
fpeaking  of  thofe  times  which  fucceeded 
the  diffolution  of  that  empire  accquaints  us, 
that  as  chriftianity  prevailed,  it  very  much 
removed  thofe  wrong  prejudices  and  prac- 
tices, which  had  taken  root  in  darker 
times :  after  the  irruption  of  the  northern 
nations,  and  the  introduction  of  the  feu- 
dal or  military  government;  whereby  the 
moft  extenfive  power  was  lodged  in  a  few 
members  of  fociety,  to  the  depreflion  of  the 
reft;  the  common  people  were  little  better 
than  ilaves,  and  many  were  indeed  fuch  : 
but  as  chriftianity  gained  ground,  the  gentle 
fpirit  of  that  religion,  together  with  the  doc- 
trines it  teaches,  concerning  the  original 
equality  of  mankind  ;  as  well  as  the  impar- 
tial eye  with  which  the  almighty  regards 
men  of  every  condition,  and  admits  them  to 
a  participation  of  his  benefits  ;   fo  far  mani- 

fefted 

*  See  Robertfon's  hiftory  of  Charles  the "5th. 


(  tt  ) 

fefted  the  inconfiftency  of  flavery  with  ehri{° 
tianity,  that  to  let  their  fellow  chriftians  at 
liberty  was  deemed  aa  act  of  piety,  high- 
ly  meritorious   and  acceptable    to  God.  * 

Accordingly 

*  In  the  years  13 15  and  13 18  Louis  X  and  his 
brother  Philip,  kings  of  France,  ifiiied  ordonances, 
declaring,  "  That  as  all  men  were  by  nature  free- 
*'  born,  and  as  their  kingdom  was  calied  the  kingdom 
4i  of  Franks,  they  determined  that  it  mould  be  lb  in 
"  reality,  as  well  as  in  name  ;  therefore  they  appoint- 
"  ed  that  enfranchifements  mould  be  granted  throu  3 
u  out  the  whole  kingdom,  upon  juft  and  reasonable 
"   conditions."  "  T  lefe  edicts  were  carried  into  imme- 

li   diate  execution  within  the  royal  domain." 

€i~  In  England  as  the  fpirit  of  liberty  gained  ground,  the 
M  very  name  and  idea  of  perfonal  Servitude;  without 
4<  any  formal  interpofition  of  the  legislature  to  prohibit 
*«  it  was  totally  banifhed." 

"  The  effecls  or  fuch  a  remarkable  change  in  the 
**  condition  of  fo  gr^at  a  part  of  the  people,  could  not 
f<  fail  of  beino;  confiderable  and  extenfive.  The  huf- 
•"*  bandman,  mafter  of  his  own  induftry,  and  fecure  of 
"  reaping  for  himfelf  the  fruits  of  his  labour,  became 
"  farmer  of  the  fame  field  where  he  had  formerly 
•'  been  compelled  to  toil  for  the  benefit  of  another.  The 
■  *'  odious  name  of  mailer  and  of  Have,  the  mo  ft  morti- 
"  fying  and  deprefling  of  all  diftinclions  to  human 
V  nature,  were  abolifhed.  New  profpecls  opened, 
«<  and  new  incitements  to  ingenuity  and  enterprife 
«'  prefented  tnemfelves,  to  thofe  who  were  emancipa- 
«<  ted.  The  expectation  of  bettering  their  fortune,  as 
<<  well  as  that  of  raffing  themfelves  to  a  more  honor- 
<<  able  Condition,  concurred  in  calling  forth  their 
"  activity  and  genius  ;    and  a  numerous  clafs  of  men, 

<<  who 


(  <>!  ) 
Accordingly  a  great  part  of  the  charters 
granted  for  the  manumiffion  or  freedom  of 
flaves  about  that  time,  are  granted  pro  amorc 
Dei,  for  the  love  of  God,  fro  mercede  animtf^ 
to  obtain  mercy  to  the  foul.  Manumiffion  was 
frequently  granted  on  death  bed,  or  by 
latter  wills.  As  the  minds  of  men  are  at  that 
time  awakened  to  fentiments  of  humanity 
and  piety,  thefe  deeds  proceeded  from  reli- 
gious motives*  The  fame  author  remarks, 
That  there  are  feveral  forms  of  thofe  manu- 
miffions  ftiil  extent,  all  of  them  founded  on. 
religious  confederations  ;  and  in  order  to  procure 
the  favour  of  God.  Since  that  time  the  prac- 
tice of  keeping  men  in  flavery  gradually 
ceafed  amongft  chriftians,  till  it  was  renewed 
in  the  cafe  before  us.  And  as  the  prevalen- 
cy  of  the  fpirit  of  chriftianity  caufed  men  to 
emerge  from  the  darknefs  they  then  lay 
under,  in  this  refpeft ;  fo  it  is  much  to  be 
feared,  that  fo  great  a  deviation  therefrom, 
by  the  encouragement  given  to  the  flavery 
of  the  Negroes  in  our  colonies,  if  continued, 
will  by  degrees  reduce  thofe  countries  which 
fupport  and  encourage  it  j  but  more  imme- 
diately 

"  who  formerly  had  no  political  exigence,  and  were 
"  employed  merely  as  initruments  of  labour,  became 
"  uieful  citizens, and  contributed  towards  augmenting 
"  the  force  or  riches  of  the  fociety  which  adopted 
"  them  as  members.'*  William  Robertfon's  Hiflory 
of  Charles  the  5th,  1  vol.  p.  35. 


(    <S8    ) 

diately  thofc  parts  of  America  which  are  ir* 
the  practice  of  it,  to  the  ignorance  and 
barbarity  of  the  darkeft  ages. 

If  inftead  of  making  flaves  of  the  Negroes, 
the  nations  who  affume  the  name  and  cha~ 
racier  of  chriftians,  would  ufe  their  endea- 
vours to  make  the  nations  of  Africa  ac- 
quainted with  the  nature  of  the'ehriftian 
religion,  to  give  them  a  better  fenfe  of  the 
true  ufe  of  the  bleffings  of  life,  the  more 
beneficial  arts  and  cuftoms  would,  by  de- 
grees, be  introduced  amongft  them  ;  this 
care  probably  would  produce  the  fame  ef- 
fect upon  them,  wThich  it  has  had  on  the  in- 
habitants of  Europe,  (formerly  as  favage 
and  barbarous  as  the  natives  of  Africa.) 
Thofe  cruel  wars  amongft  the  blacks  would 
be  likely  to  ceafe,  and  a  fair  and  ho- 
norable commerce,  in  time,  take  place 
throughout  that  vaft  country.  It  was  by 
thefe  means  that  the  inhabitants  of  Eu- 
rope, though  formerly  a  barbarous  people, 
became  civilized.  Indeed  the  account  Ju- 
lius Csefar  gives  of  the  ancient  Britains  in 
their  ftate  of  ignorance  is  not  fuch  as  flxould 
make  us  proud  of  ourfelves,  or  lead  us  to 
defpife  the  unpolifhed  nations  of  the  earth, 
for  he  informs  us,  <c  That  they  lived  in  many 
"  refpecb  like  our  Indians,  being  clad  with 
"  fkins,  painting  their  bodies,  &c."  He 
alfo  adds,  w  That  they  brother  with  brother, 

"  and 


(  *9  )■ 
H  and  parents  with  children  had  wives  in 
"  common,"  A  greater  barbarity  than  any- 
heard  of  amongft  the  Negroes,  Nor  doth 
Tacitus  give  a  more  honourable  account  of 
the  Germans,  from  whom  the  Saxons,  our 
immediate  anceilors,  fprung.  The  Danes, 
who  fucceeded  them,  (who  may  alfo  be 
numbered  among  our  progenitors)  were  full 
as  bad,  if  not  worfe. 

It  is  ufual  for  people  to  advance  as  a  pal- 
liation in  favour  of  keeping  the  Negroes  in 
bondage,  that  there  are  flaves  in  Guinea,  and. 
that  thofe  amongft  us  might  be  fo  in  their 
own  country  ;  but  let  fuch  confider  the  in- 
confiftency  of  our  giving  any  countenance 
to  flavery  becaufe  the  Africans,  whom  we 
"efteem  a  barbarous  and  favage  people,  allow 
of  i  t,  and  perhaps  the  more  from  our  example. 
Had  the  profeflors  of  chriftianity  acted  in- 
deed as  fuch,  they  might  have  been  inftru- 
mental  to  convince  the  Negroes  of  their  er- 
ror in  this  refpeci ;  but  even  this,  when 
inquired  into,  will  be  to  us  an  occafion  of 
bluihing,  if  we  are  not  hardned  to  every 
fenle  or  iharne,  rather  than  a  pafliatiori 
of  our  iniquitous  conduct,  as  it  will  appear 
that  the  iiavery  endured  in  Guinea,  and 
other  parts  of  Africa,  and  in  Alia,  *  is  by 
H  no 

*  In  the  hiftory  of  the  piratical  dates  of  Barba  y, 
printed  in  1750,  faid  to  be  wrote  by  a  peribn  who  re-  ' 

fided 


(     70     ) 
no  means  fo  grievous  as  that  in  our  colo- 
nies* William  Moor  fpeaking  of  the  natives 

living 


fidedat  Algiers,  in  a  public  character,  at  page  265  the 
author  fays,  "  The  world  exclaims  againft  the  Alge- 
"  rines  for  their  cruel  treatment  of  their  ilaves,  and 
c<  their  employing  even  tortures  to  convert  them  to 
€t  mahometanifm  :  but  this  is  a  vulgar  error,  artfully 
£t  propagated  for  felfifti  views.  So  far  are  their  {laves 
"  from  being  ill  ufed,  that  they  mull  have  committed 
M  fome  very  great  fault  to  fufFer  any  punifhment. 
■•*  Neither  are  they  forced  to  work  beyond  their 
*'  ilrength,  but  rather  fpared  left  they  fhould  fall  fick. 
€Q  Some  are  fo  pleafed  with  their  ntuation  that  they 
*i  will  not  purchafe  their  ranfom,  though  they  arc 
€i  able."  It's  the  fame  generally  through  the  maho- 
metan  countries,  except  in  feme  particular  inftances, 
as  that  of  Muley  Ifnmael  late  emperor  of  Morocco, 
who  being  naturally  barbarous,  frequently  ufed 
both  his  fubjects  and  flaves  with  cruelty.  Yet 
even  under  him  the  ufage  the  flaves  met  with  was, 
in  general,  much  more  tolerable  than  that  of  the  Ne- 
groe  flaves,  in  the  Weft  Indies.  Captain  Braithwaite, 
an  author  of  credit,  who  accompanied  conful  general 
Ruffe),  in  a  congratulatory  ambaffy  to  Muley  Ifnmael's 
iticceflb-r,  upon  his  acceffion  to  the  throne,  fays,  "  The 
*\  the  fituation  of  the  chriftian  flaves  in  Morocco 
«'  was  not  near  fobad  asreprefented, — That  it  was  true 
tc  they  were  kept  at  labour  by  the  late  emperor,  but 
««  not  harder  than  our  daily  labourers  go  through. — 
"  Mafters  of  fnips  were  never  obliged  to  work,  nor 
"  fuch  at  had  but  a  fmall  matter  of  money  to  give 
««  the  Alcaide. — Whenfick  they  had  a  religious  houfe 
<c  appointed  for  them  to  go  to,  where  they  were  well 
"  attended :  and  whatever  money,    in   charity  was 

"  feat 


(  71  ) 
Jiving  on  the  river  Gambia,  f  fays,  Ci  That 
<c  fome  of  the  Negroes  have  many  hoiife 
*;  flaves,  which  is  their  greateft  glory  ; 
"  that  thofe  Haves  live  fo  well  and  eafy, 
"  that  it  is  fometimes  a  hard  matter  to 
4C  know  the  flaves  from  their  mailers  or 
"  miftreffes.  And  that  though  in  fome 
"  parts  of  Africa,  they  fell  their  flaves  born 
"  in  the  family,  yet  on  the  river  Gambia 
*c  they  think  it  a  very  wicked  thing/1 
The  author  adds,  u  He  never  heard  of  but 
"  one,  that  ever  fold  a  family  flave,  except 
"  for  fuch  crimes  as  they  would  have  been 
"  fold  for,  if  they  had  been  free.,,  And  in 
Aftley's  collection  fpeakingof  thecuftoms  of 
the  Negroes  in  that  large  extent  of  country 

further 


4i  Cent  them  by  their  fr rends  in  Europe,  was  their 
•'  own."   Eraithwaite's  revolutions  of  Morocco. 

Lady  Montague,  wife  of  the  Englifh  arobaflador,  at 
Conftantinople,  in  her  letters  vol.  3.  page  20  writes, 
"  I  know  you  ex  peel:  I  fhould  fay  fomething  particular 
"  of  the  {laves;  and  you  will  imagine  me  half  a 
<*  Turk,  when  I  don't  fpeakof  it  with  the  fame  hor- 
i:  ror  other  Chriitians  have  done  before  me;  but  I 
'*  cannot  forbear  applauding  the  humanity  of  the 
*;  Turks  to  thefe  creatures,  they  are  not  ill  ufed,  and 
"  their  flavery,  m  my  opinion,  rs  no  worfe  than  fervi- 
"  tude  all  over  the  world.  It's  true  they  have  no 
"  wages,  but  they  give  them  yearly  cloaths  to  a  high- 
"  er  value  than  our  falaries  to  our  ordinary  Jt> 
"  vants." 

t  W.  Moor,  p.  30. 


(        72        ) 

further  down  the  Coalt  particularly  dcnomi^ 
nated  the  Ceaft  of  Guineajt  is  faid,f  "  They 
have  not  many  Haves  on  the  Coaii, 
none  but  the  king  or  nobles  are  permitted 
to  buy  or  fdi  any,  (q  that  they  are  allow- 
ed only  what  are  neceflary  for  their  fami- 
lies,, or  tilling  the  ground*?'  the  fame 
author  adds,  "  That  they  generally  life  their 
"  JIaves  welt7  andfeldom  correct  them.97 


CHAP.    VII. 

Montefquieu  3  fentimenrs  on  flave- 

ry.  Moderation  enjoined  by  the  Mo- 
faic  law  in  the  puniihment  of  offenders. 
Morgan  Godwyn's  account  of  the  con- 
tempt and  grievous  rigour  exercifed 
upon  the  Negroes  in  his  time.  Account 
from  Jamaica  relating  to  the  inhuman 
treatment  of  them  (here.  Bad  effefts 
attendant  oh  Have  keeping ;  as  well  to. 
the  mailers  as  the  naves.  Extracts  from 
fcveral  laws  relating  to  Negroes.  Rich- 
ard Baxter's  fentiments  on  flave  keeping. 

THi\T  celebrated  civillian  Montefquieu, 
in  his  treatife  on  the  fpirit  of  laws,  on 
the    article  of  Ilavery  fays,    "  //  is  neither 

"  7: 


f  CollcSion  2  vol.  p.  647. 


(     73    ) 

€c  ufeful  to  the  majler  nor  /lave ;  to  the  flave^ 
C6  becaufe  he  can  do  nothing  through  principle 
"  (or  virtue,)  to  the  majler  becaufe  he  con- 
"  trails  with  his  /lave  all  forts  of  bad  habits , 
"  infenfibly  accuftoms  himfelf  to  want  all 
"  moral  virtues,  becomes,  haughty,  hafly,  hard 
"  hearted,  pajfionate,  voluptuous  and  cruel. 
The  lamentable  truth  of  this  affertion  was 
quickly  verified  in  the  Englilh  plantations. 
When  the  pra&ice  of  Have  keeping  was  in- 
troduced, it  foon  produced  its  natural 
effe&s  ;  it  reconciled  men  ofotherwife  good 
difpofitions  to  the  mod  hard  and  cruel 
meafures.  It  quickly  proved  what  under 
the  law  of  Mofes  was  apprehended  would 
be  the  confequence  of  unmerciful  chaftife- 
ments.  Deut.  xxv.  2.  "  And  it  /hall  be  if 
"  the  wicked  man  be  worthy  to  be  beaten,  that 
"  the  judge  /hall  cau/e  him  to  lie  down,  and  to 
"  be  beaten  before  his  face,  according  to  his 
u  fault,  by  a  certain  number  ;  forty  ftripes  he 
u  may  give  him  and  not  exceed"  And  the 
reafon  rendered  is  out  of  relpeft  to  human 
nature,  viz.  "  Left  if  he  /hould  exceed  and 
"  beat  him  above  the/e  with  many  ftripes,  then 
"  thy  brother  fhould  feem  vile  unto  thee"  As 
this  effect  foon  followed  the  caufe,  the  cruel- 
eft  meafures  were  adopted,  in  order  to  make 
the  moft  of  the  poor  wretches  labour;  and  in 
the  minds  of  the  mafters  fuch  an  idea  was 
excited  of  inferiority  in  the  nature  of  thefe 
H  3,  their 


(  74  ) 
their  unhappy  fellow  creatures,  that  they 
loon  efteemed  and  treated  them  as  beafts  of 
burden :  pretending  to  doubt,  and  fome 
of  them,  even  prefuming  to  deny,  the 
efficacy  of  the  death  of  Chrift  extended  to 
them.^  Which  is  particularly  noted  In  a 
book  intitled  the  Negroes  and  Indian's  advc- 
cate,  dedicated  to  tlie  then  Archbifhop  of 
Canterbury  :  wrote  fo  long  fince  as  in  the 
year  1680,  by  Morgan  Godwyn,  thought  to 
be  a  clergyman  of  the  church  of  England. 
*  The  fame  fpirit  of  fympathy  and  zeal  which 

ftirred 

m  — ^— — ^—       ■  1        ■ 

*  There  is  a  principle  which  is  pure  placed  in  the 
human  mind,  which  in  different  places  and  ages  hatb 
jhad  different  names  ;  it  is  however,  ptiFe,  and  pro- 
ceeds from  God. — It  is  deep  and  inward,  confined  to. 
no  forms  of  religion,  nor  excluded  from  any,  where 
the  heart  ftancs  in  perfect  fincerity.  In  whomfoever, 
this  takes  root  and  grows,  of  what  nation  foever  they 
become  brethren  in  the  beft  fenfe  of  the  expreffion. 
Ufing  ourfelves  to  take  ways  which  appear  mod  eafy 
to  us,  when  inconfiftent  with  '  that  purity  which  is 
without  beginnings  we  thereby  fet  up  a  government  of 
our  own,  and  deny  obedience  to  him  whcfe  fervice  is 
rue  liberty.  He  that  has  a  fervant,  made  fo  wrong- 
fully, and  knows  it  to  be  fo,  when  he  treats  him  other- 
wife  than  a  free  man,  when  he  reaps  the  benefit  of  his 
labour,  without  paying  "him  fuch  v  ages  as  are  reason- 
ably due  to  free  men  for  the  like  fervice  ;  thefe  things, 
though  done  in  calmnefs,  without  any  fhew  of  difor- 
der,  do  yet  deprave  the  mind,  in  like  manner  and  with 
as  great  cerrainty,  as  prevailing  cold  congeals  water. 
Thefe  fteps  taken  by  mailers,  and  their  cbndfiic?  fink- 
ing the  minds  of  their  children,  whilft  young,  leave 
leis  room  for  that  which  is  good  to  work  upon  them. 

The 


(     75     > 
ftirred  up  the   good  Biihop  of  Chapia  to 
plead  with  fo  much  energy  the  kindred  caufe 

of 

The  cuftoms  of  their  parents,  their  neighbours  and  the 
people  with  whom  they  converfe,  working  upon  their 
minds  ;  and  they  from  thence  conceiving  wrong  ideas 
of  things,  and  modes  of  conduct,  the  enterance  into 
their  hearts  became  in  a  great  meafure  ihut  up  againft 
the  gentle  movings  of  uncreated  purity. 

From  one  age  to  another  the  gloom  grows  thicker 
and  darker,  till  error  gets  eftablifhed  by  general  opini- 
no ;  that  whoever  attends  to  perfect  goodnefs  and  re- 
mains under  the  melting  influence  of  it,  finds  a  path 
unknown  to  many,  and  fees  the  neceflrty  to  lean  up 
on  the  arm  of  divine  itrength*  and  dwell  alone,  or 
with  a  few,  in  the  right,,  committing  their  caufe  to 
him,  who  is  a  refuge  to  his  people.  Negroes  are  our 
fellow  creatures,  and  their  prefent  condition  among 
its  requires  our  ferious  confideration.  We  know  not: 
the  time  when  thole  fcales,  in  which  mountains  are 
weighed  may  turn.  The  parent  of  mankind  is  gracious ; 
his  care  is  over  his  imalleft  creatures  ;  and  a  multi- 
tude of  men  efcape  not  his  notice  ;  and  though  many 
of  them  are  trodden  down  and  defpifed,  yet  he  remem- 
bers them.  He  fecth  their  affliction,  and  looketh  upon 
the  fpreading  increafmg  exaltation  of  the  opprelfor. 
He  turns  the  channel  of  power,  humbles  the  molt 
liaughty  people,  and  gives  deliverance  tothe  oppreiTed* 
at  iuch  periods  as  are  conMent  with  his  infinite  juftice 
and  goodnefs.  And  wherever  gain  is  preferred  to 
equity,  and  wrong  things  publickly  encouraged,  to 
that  degree  that  wickecineis  takes  root,  and  fpreads- 
wide  anrjngit  the  inhabitants  of  a  country,  there  is  a 
real  caufe  for  forrow  to  all  fuch,  whofe  love  to  man- 
kind (lands  on  a  true  principle,  and  wifely  confider  the 
end  and  event  of  things."  >  Confideration  on  keeping' 
Negroes,   by  John  Woolman,  part  2  p.  50.  4 


(  7*  ) 
of  the  Indians  of  America,  an  hundred  and 
fifty  years  before,  was  equally  operating 
about  a  century  paft  on  the  minds  of  fome  of 
the  well  difpofed  of  that  day,  amongft  others 
this  worthy  clergyman,  having  been  an  eye 
witnefs  of  the  oppreffion  and  cruelty  exer- 
cifed  upon  the  Negro  and  Indian  flaves, 
endeavoured  to  raife  the  attention  of  thofe 
in  whofe  power  it  might  be  to  procure  them- 
relief  j  amongft  other  matters  in  his  addrefs 
to  the  Archbifhop,  he  remarks  in  fubftance^ 
"  That  the  people  of  the  of  ifland  Barbadoes 
"  were  not  content  with  exercifing  the 
—  **  greateft  hardnefs  and  barbarity  upon  the 
"  Negroes,  in  making  the  moft  of  their 
"  labour,  without  any  regard  to  the  calls  of 
"  humanity  ;  but  that  they  had  fufFered  fuch 
"  a  flight  and  undervalument  to  prevail  in 
"  their  minds,  towards  thefe  their  opprefled 
"  fellow  creatures,  as  to  difcourage  any  ftep 
"  being  taken  whereby  they  might  be  made 
"  acquainted  with  the  ehriftian  religion* 
"  That  their  conduct  towards  their  Haves 
"  was  fuch  as  gave  him  reafon  to  believe, 
"  that  either  they  had  fiiffered  a  fpirit  of 
"  infidelity,  a  fpirit  quite  contrary  to  the 
"  nature  of  the  gofpel,  to  prevail  in  them, 
"  or  that  it  muft  be  their  eftablifhed  opinion, 
"  that  the  Negroes  had  no  more  fouls  than 
"  beafts;  that  hence  they  concluded  them 
*  to  be  neither  fufceptible  of  religious  im- 

44  prefiions, 


(  77  ) 
«c  preiHons,  nor  fit  objecls  for  the  redeeming 
*<  grace  of  God  to  operate  upon.  That 
"  under  this  perfuafion  and  from  a  difpoli- 
"  tion  of  cruelty,  they  treated  them 
"  with  far  left  humanity  than  they  did 
"  their  cattle :  for  fays  he,  they  do  not 
Ci  ftarve  their  horfes,  which  they  expect 
"  fhould  both  carry  and  credit  them  on  the 
"  road  ;  nor  pinch  the  cony,  by  whofe  milk 
•c  they  are  fuftained,  which  yet  to  their 
cc  eternal  flume,  is  too  frequently  theJot  and 
"  condition  of  thofe  poor  people, from  whofe 
"  labour  their  wealth  and  livelihood  doth 
"  wholly  arife  ;  not  only  in  their  diet,  but  in 
"  their  cloathing  and  overworking  fome  of 
"  them  even  to  death;  which  is  particularly 
*c  the  calamity  of  the  moft  innocent  and  iabo- 
Ci  rious  ;  but  alio  in  tormenting  and  whip- 
"  ping  them  almoft  and  fometimes  quite  to 
death,  upon  even  fmall  mifcarriages.  He 
apprehends  it  was  from  this  prejudice 
again  ft  the  Negroes  that  arofe  thofe  fuper- 
cilious  checks  and  frowns  he  frequently 
met  with,  when  ufing  innocent  argu- 
ments and  perfuafions  in  the  way  of  his 
duty  as  a  minifter  of  the  gofpel,  to  labour 
H  for  the  convincement  and  converfion  of 
Cq  the  Negroes  ;  being  repeatedly  told,  with' 
**  fpiteful  fcOilings,  (even  by  fome  efteem- 
'<  ed  religious,)  that  the  Negroes  were  no 
4<  more  fufceptible  of  receiving  benefit,  by 

becoming 


.% 


(  73  ) 
"  becoming  members  of  the  church,  thaf* 
"  their  dogs  and  bitches  ;  the  ufual  anfwer 
"  he  received  when  exhorting  their  mailers 
4C  to  do  their  duty  in  that  refpeel,  being, 
4C  What  thefe  black  dogs  be  made  chriflians ; 
**''  what  they  be  made  like  us,  with  abundance 
"  more  of  the  fame  ?  Neverthelefs*  he  re- 
4C  marks  that  the  Negroes  were  capable, 
4C  not  only  of  being  taught  to  read  and 
cc  write,  &c.  but  divers  of  them  eminent 
"  in  the  management  of  bufinefs.  He  de- 
"  clares  them  to  ha_Y£  an  equal  right  with 
"  us  to  the  merits  of  Chrift ;  of  which,  if 
45  through  neglect  or  avarice  they  are  de- 
"  prived,  that  judgment  which  was  dc- 
4C  nounced  againft  wicked  Ahah,  muft 
4C  befal  us  :  Our  life  fhall  go  for  theirs.  The 
"  lofs  of  their  fouls  will  be  required  at  our 
6C  hands,  to  whom  God  hath  given  fo  bleffed 
"  an  opportunity  of  being  infh  umental  to 
«'  their  folvation." 

He  complains,  "  That  they  were  foffer- 
4C  ed  to  live  with  their  women  in  no 
"  better  way  than  dii  eel  fornication  ;  no 
<c  care  being  taken  to  oblige  them  to  conti- 
"  nue  together  when  married ;  but  that 
44  they  were  fuffered  at  their  will,  to  leave 
4C  their  wives  and  take  to  other  women.  I 
"  fhall  conclude  this  fympathizing  clergy- 
4C  ma^s  observations  with  an  inftance  he 
44  gives,    to   fliew   that   not   only   difcou- 

"  ragements 


C  79  ) 
€i  ragements  and  feoffs,  at  that  time 
"  prevailed  in  Barbadoes,  to  eftablifh  an 
"  opinion  that  the  Negroes  were  not  capa- 
"  bleof  religious  impreflions;  but  that  even 
"  violence  and  great  abufes  were  ufed  to 
"  prevent  any  thing  of  that  kind  taking 
"  place.  It  was  in  the  cafe  of  a  poor  Negro, 
*4  who  having  at  his  own  requeft,  prevail- 
"  ed  on  a  clergyman  to  adminifter  baptifm 
*c  to  him,  on  his  return  home,  the  trutifh 
"  overfeer  took  him  to  taik,  giving  him  to 
"  underftand  that,  that  was  no  fundays 
"  work  for  thofe  of  his  complexion,  that  he , 
"  had  other  bufinefs  for  him,  the  neglect 
u  whereof  fhould  coft  him  an  afternoon's 
■*c  baptifm  in  blood,  as  he  in  the  morning 
"  had  received  a  baptifm  with  water,  (theie 
"  fays  the  parfon  were  his  own  words,) 
"  which  he  accordingly  made  good,  of 
"  which  the  Negroe  complained  to  him, 
&  and  he  to  the  governor :  neverthelefs, 
"  the  poor  miferable  creature  was  ever  af- 
"  ter  fo  unmercifully  treated  by  that  inhu- 
"  man  wretch,  the  overfeer,  that  to  avoid 
"  his  cruelty,  betaking  himfelfto  the  woods, 
"  he  there  perifhed."  This  inftance  is  ap- 
plicable to  none  but  the  cruel  perpetrator, 
and  yet  it  is  an  inftanceof  what,  in  a  greater 
or  lefs  degree,  may  frequently  happen  when 
thofe  poor  wretches  are  left  to  the  will  of 
fuch  brutiih  inconfiderate  creatures  as  thofe 

overfeers 


C  Bo  ) 
*overfeflte  often  are.  This  is  confirmed  m 
a  Hi/lory  of  Jamaica  wrote  in  thirteen  let- 
ters, about  the  year  1 740,  by  a  perfon  then 
•r.efiding  in  that  ifland  who  writes,  as 
follows,"  "  I  ihall  not  now  ester  upon  the 
queftion  whether  the  flavery  of  the  Ne- 
groes be  agreeable  to  the  laws  of  nature 
or  not,  though  it  feexns  extreamly  hard 
they  fhould  be  reduced  to  ferve  and  toil 
for  the  benefit  of  others,  without  the  leaft 
advantage  to  themfelv.es.  Happy  Britannia 
whereflavery  is  never  known;whereliber- 
ty  and  freedom  chears  every  misfortune, 
here  (fays  the  author \)  we  can  boaft  of  no 
fuch  bleffing ;  wg  have  at  leait  ten  flaves 
to  one  freeman.  I  incline  to  touch  the 
hardfhips  which  thefe  poor  creatures 
fuffer,  in  the  tendered  manner,  from 
a  particular  regard  which  I  have  to 
many  of  their  mailers  ;  but  I  cannot  con- 
ceal their  fad  circumftances  uitirely:  the 
moft  triviaj  error  is  punhlied  with  terri- 
ble whipping.  I  have  feen  fome  of  thern 
treated  in  that  cruel  manner,  for  no  other 
reafo.n  but  to  fatisfy  the  brutifh  pleafure 
of  an  overfeer,  who  has  their  punifhrnent 
moftly  at  his  difcretion.  I  have  feen  their 
bodies  all  in  a  gore  of  blood,  the  fkia 
torn  off  their  backs  with  the  cruel  whip  ; 
beaten  pepper  and  fait  rubbed  in  the 
wTounds,  and  a  large  ftick  of  fealing  wax 

"  dropped 


(  8i  ) 
**  dropped  Ieifurely  upon  them.dPlt  is  no 
""  wonder,  if  the  horrid  pain  of  fuck  inhu- 
0  man.  tortures  incline  them  to  rebel.  Molt 
<4  of  thefe  ilaves  are  brought  from  the  coaft 
cs  of  Guinea  :  When  they  firft  arrive,  it's 
?  obferved  they  are  fimple  and  very  inno- 
"  cent  creatures  ;  but  foon  turn  to  be 
"  roguifh  enough  :  And  when  they  come  to 
*  be  whipt,  urge  the  example  of  the  whites 
H  for  an  excufe  of  their  faults. 

Thefe  accounts  of  the  deep  depravity  of 
mind  attendant  on  the  practice  of  flavery,. 
verify  the  truth  of  Montefquieu's  remarks  of 
its  pernicious  effects.  And  altho'  the  fame- 
degree  of  oppoiltion  to  inftructing  the  Ne- 
groes may  not  now  appear  in  the  iflands  as 
formerly ;  efpecially  fmce  the  fociety  ap- 
pointed for  propagating  the  Gofpel  have 
poffefTed  anumber  ot  Negroesin  oneof  them; 
rieverthelefs  the  fituation  of  thefe  oppreffed 
people  is  yet  dreadful,  as  well  to  themfelves, 
as  in  its  confequences  to  their  hard  tafk-maf- 
ters,  and  their  offspring,  as  muft  be  evident 
to  every  impartial  peribn  who  is  acquainted 
with  the  treatment  they  generally  receive, 
or  with  the  laws  which  from  time  to  time 
have  been  made  in  the  colonies,  with  refpecfc 
to  the  Negroes  ;  fome  of  them  being  abfolute- 
ly  inconfrftant  with  reafon,  and  fhocking 
to  humanity.  By  the  329th  ad  of  the  ai- 
fcmblyof  Barbadoes,  page  125,  it  is  enact-- 
I  ed 


V  (       02       ) 

cd.  "  "Hfcit  if  any  Negroe  or  other  (lave  tin" 
"  der  punifhment,  by  his  mafter  or  his  or* 
*c  der,     for  running  away,    or    any  other 
**  crime  or  mifdemeanors,  towards  his  faid 
-"  mafter,    unfortunately  fhail  fuffer  in  life 
*c  or  member,  (which  feldom  happens,)  no 
**  perfon  whatibever  fliall  be  liable  to  any 
•"  fine  therefore.      But  if  any  man  fihall,  of 
"  wantonnefs,  or  only  of  bloody   mindednefs  or 
C€  cruel  intention,  willfully  kill  a  Negro  or  other 
f*  /lave  of  his  own,  he/hall pay  into  the  publick 
H  treafury,  fifteen  pounds  flerling"  Now  that 
the  life  of  a  man  fhould  be  fo  lightly  valued, 
as  that  fifteen  pounds  fhouid  be  judged  a 
fufficient  indemnification  of  the  murder  of 
a  man,  even  when  it  is  avowedly  done  will- 
fully* wantonly,  cruelly  or  of  bloody  mindednefs  ^ 
is  a  tyranny  hardly  to  be  parrelleFd  ;  never- 
thelefs  human  laws   cannot   make  void  the 
righteous  law  of  God,  or  prevent  the  inqui- 
sition of  that  awful  judgment  day,  when, 
P*  at  the  hand  of  every  man?  s  brother  the  life  of 
cc  man  /hall  be   required"     By  the  law  of 
South-Carolina,    the  perfon  that  killeth   a 
Negro  is  only  fubject  to  a  fine  or  twelve 
months  imprifonment :    It  is   the  fame  in 
moft,  if  not  all  the  Weft-Indies.  And  by  an 
aft  of  the  affembly  of  Virginia,  (4  Ann.Ch. 
49.  fed.  27.  p.  227.)  After  proclamation  is 
is  iffued  againft  flaves.     "  That  run  away 
w  and  lie  out,  it  is  lawful  for  airy  perfon  what- 

"  fever 


C  «$  ) 

€*  foever  to  kill  and  deflroy  fitch  flavtt,  by  fucff 
u  ways  and  means,  as  he,  fhe  or  they  /hall 
u  think  fit,  without  accufation  or  impeachment 
*c  of  any  crime  for  the  fame"* And  left  .pri- 
vate intereft  ihould  incline  the  planter  to 
mercy,  it  is  provided,  "  That  every  flavefo 
"  killed  in  furfuance  of  this  ad,fhall  be  paid 
«  for  by  the  pub  lick"' 

It  was  doubtlefs,  a  like  fenfe  of  fympathy 
with  that  expreffed  by  Morgan  Godwyn7 
before  mentioned,  for  the  opprefle4  Negroes, 
and  like  zeal  for  the  caufe  of  religion,  fo  ma- 
nifeftly  trampled  upon  in  the  cafe  of  the 
Negroes,  which  induced  Richard  Baxter,  an 
eminent  preacher  amongft  the  diffenters  in 
the  laft  century,  in  his  chriflian  directory,  to 
exprefs  himfelf  as  follows,  viz.  "  Do  you 
"  mark  how  God  hath  followed  you  with 
"  plagues,  and  may  not  confcience  tell  you, 
"  that  it  is  for  your  inhumanity  to  the  fouls 

"  and  bodies  of  men." "  To  go  as  pi- 

"  rates  and  catchup  poor  Negroes,  or  people 
"  of  another  land,  that  never  forfeited  life 
"  or  liberty,  and  to  make  them  flaves,  and 
"  fell  them,  is  one  of  the  worft  kinds  of 
"  thievery  in  the  world  ;  and  fuch  perfons, 
9  are  to  be  taken  for  the  common  enemies 
tc  of  mankind,  and  they  that  buy  them  and 
"  ufe  them  as  beads  for  their  meer  commodi- 
4i  ty,  and  betray,  or  deftroy,  orneglecft  their 

"  fouls 

I    2 


(     84    ) 

cc  fouls,  are  fitter  tobe  calleddevrls  incarnate 
<c  than  chriftians :  It  is  an  henious  fin  to  buy 
"  them,  unlefs  it  be  in  charity  to  deliver 
<c  them.  Undoubtedly  they  are  prefently 
"  bound  to  deliver  them,  becaufe  by  righ$ 
"  the  man  is  his  own,  therefore  no  man  elfc 
"  can  have  a  juft  title  to  him.9' 


CHAP, 


(     85     ) 


CHAP.     VIII. 


Griffith  Hughes's   account  of    the 

number  of  Negroes  in  Barbadoes. 
Cannot  keep  up  their  ufual  number  with- 
out a  yearly  recruit.  Excefilve  hard- 
ihips  wears  the  Negroes  down  in  a  fur- 
piiiing  manner.  A  fervitude  without  a 
condition,  inconfifiantwithreafon  and  na- 
tural juftice.  The  general  ufags  the^  Ne- 
groes meet  with  in  the  Weft  Indies.  In- 
human  calculations  of  the  ftrength  and 
lives  of  the  Negroes.  Dreadful  confe- 
quences  which  may  be  expected  from  the 
cruelty  exercifed  upon  this  oppreiTed 
part  of  mankind* 

"¥TE  are  told  by  Griffith  Hughes,  rec- 
|T|/  tor  of  St.  Lucy  in  Barbadoes,  in 
his  natural  hiftory  of  that  iiland,  printed  in 
the  year  1750,  "  That  there  was  between. 
"  fixty  five  and  feventy  thoufand  Negroes, 
iC  at  that  time,  in  the  ifiand,  tho5  formerly 
"  they  had  a  greater  number:  That  in  or- 
V  der  to  keep  up  a  neceffary  >er,  they 

cc  v/ere  obliged  to  have  a  yearly  fupply  from 
rica  :  That  the  hard  labour,  and  often" 

want 


(     8<J    ) 
"  want  of  necefiaries,  which  thefe  unhappy 

"  creatures  are  obliged  to  undergo,  deftroy  a 
"  greater  number  than  are  bred  there/5  He 
adds,  "  That  the  capacities  of  their  minds 
44  in  common  affairs  of  life  are  but  little  in- 
4i  ferior,  if  at  all,  to  thofeof  the  Europeans. 
44  If  they  fail  in  fome  arts,  he  fays,  it  may 
"  be  owing  more  to  their  want  of  education 
u  and  the  depreilion  of  their  fpiriis  by  11a- 
4i  very,  than  to  any  want  of  natural  abili- 
u  ties.'5  This  deftruction  of  the  human 
fpecies,  thro'  unnatural  hardfhips,  and  want 
of  neceffary  fupplies,  in  the  cafe  of  the  Ne- 
groes is  farther  confirmed  in  an  account  of 
the  European  fettlements  in  America,  printed 
London,  1757,  where  it  is  faid,par.  6.  chap, 
nth.  "  The  Negroes  in  our  colonies  en- 
"  durcaflavery  more  compleat,  and  attend- 
44  ed  with  far  worfe  circumftances,  than 
what  any  people  in  their  condition  fufier 
in  any  ether  part  of  the  world 
or  have  fuffered  in  any  other  period  of 
44  time  :  Proofs  of  this  are  not  wanting. 
44  The  prodigious  wafte  which  we  experience 
46  in  this  unhappy  part  of  our  fpecies,  is  a 
44  full  and  melancholy  evidence  of  this 
"  truth.  The  ifland  of  Barbadoes  (chc  Ne- 
4i  groes  upon  which  do  not  amount  to  eigh- 
4;  ty  thoufand)  notwithftanding  all  the 
i;  means  which  they  ufe  to  encrea/e  1: 
w  by  propagation,   and  that  the  climat 

44  hi 


u 


U 


(  37  ) 
C<  in  every  refpect  (except  that  of  being 
"  more  wholefome)  exactly  refembling  the 
u  climate  from  whence  they  come ;  not- 
"  withftanding  all  this,  Barbadoeslies  under 
"  a  neceffity  of  an  annual  recruit  of  five 
<c  thoufand  flaves,  to  keep  up  the  flock  at 
*c  the  number  I  have  mentioned.  This  pro- 
iC  digious  failure,  which  is  at  leaft  in  the 
*'  fame  proportion  in  all  our  iilands,  fhews 
"  demonftrativelythatfome  uncommon  and 
•c  unfupportable  hardfhip  lies  upon  the  Ne- 
"  groes,  which  wears  them  down  in  fuch  a 
"  furprifing  manner/' 

In  an  account  of  part  of  North  America, 
publifhedby  Thomas  Jeffery  1761,  the  au- 
thor fpeaking  of  the  uiage  the  Negroes  re- 
ceive in  the  Weft  India  iilands,  fays,  "  It  is 
"  irnpoflible  for^a  hitman  heart  to  reflect  up- 
"  on  the  fervitude  of  thefe  dregs  of  man- 
"  kind,  without  in  fome  meafure  feeling  for 
"  their  mifery,  which  ends   but  with  their 

"  lives. Nothing  can  be  more  wretched 

"  than  the  condition  of  this  people.  One 
"  would  imagine,  they  were  framed  to  be 
"  the  difgrace  of  the  human  fpecies,  banifh- 
"  ed  from  their  country,  and  deprived  of 
c;  that  blefiing  liberty,  on  which  all  other 
"  nations  fet  the  greateft  value  ;  they  are  in 
ci  a  meafure  reduced  to  the  condition  of 
"  beafls  of  burden.  In  general  a  few  roots, 
"  potatoes   efpecially,    are    their  food,  and 

two 


(     88     ) 

tc  two  rags,  which  neither  fcreen  them  from 
"  the  heat  of  the  day,  nor  the  extraordinary 
"  coolnefs  of  the  night,  all  their  covering; 
u  their  fleep  very  fhort ;  their  labour  almoft 
"  continual:  they  receive  no  wages,  but 
"  have  twenty  lafhes  for  the  fmalleft  fault.51 
A  thoughtful perfon,  who  had  an  opportuni- 
ty of  obferving  the  miferable  condition  of 
the  Negroes,  in  one  of  our  Weft  India 
iflands,  writes  thus,  "  I  met  with  daily  ex- 
"  ercife  *  to  fee  the  treatment  which  thofe 
"  miferable  wretches  met  with,  from  their 
u  matters  ;  with  but  few  exceptions.  They 
"  whip  them  moll  unmercifully  on  fmali 
<c  occafions :  you  will  fee  their  bodies  all 
"  whaled  and  fcarred ;  in  fliort,  they  feem 
ic  to  kt  no  other  value  on  their  lives,  than 
"  as  they  coft  them  fo  much  money,  and  are 
"  reft  rained  from  killing  them,  when  angry, 
"  by  no  worthier  consideration,  than  that 
"  they  lofe  fo  much.  They  act  as  though  they 
"  did  not  look  upon  them  as  a  race  of  hu- 
ff man  creatures,  who  have  reafon,  and  re- 
"  membrance  of  misfortunes  ;  but  as  b 
"  like  oxen,  who  are  ftubborn,  ha  j  arid 
"  fenfelefs  ;  fit  for  burdens  and  deiigned  to 
"  bear  them:  they  wont  allow  theni 
u  have  any  claim  to  human  privnege 
*•  fcarce  indeed,  to  be  regarded  as  the 
"  of  God.     Thousrh  it  wa    c:  .liftent 

*'  the  juftice  of  our  muker  to  pro:: 

.  «  - 


C    89    ) 

^  the  fentence  on  our  common-  parent', 
64  and  through  him  on  all  fucceeding  genera- 
"  tions,  That  he  and  they  Jhould  eat  theh 
44  bread  by  the  fweat  of  their  brows  :  yet  does 
14  it  not  Hand  recorded  by  the  fame  eternal 
0i  truth,  That  the  labourer  is  worthy  of  his 
4;  hiret  It  cannot  be  allowed,  in  natural 
44  juftice,  that  there  ftiouid  be  a  fervi- 
"  tude  without  condition,  a  cruel,  endlefs, 
44  fervitude.  It  cannot  be  reconcileable  to 
44  natural  juftice,  that  whole  nations,  nay 
44  whole  continents  of  men,  fhould  be  de- 
44  voted  to  do  the  drudgery  of  life  for  others* 
"  be  dragged  away  from  their  attachments 
"  of  relations  and  focieties,  and  be- made  to 
44  ferve  the  appetite  and  pleafure  of  a  race 
44  of  men,  whofe  fuperiority  has  been  ob- 
44  tained  by  illegal  force. 

Sir  Hans  Sloan  in  the  introduction  to  his 
natural  hiftory  of  Jamaica  in  the  account  he 
gives  of  the  treatment  the  Negroes  met  with 
there,  fpeaking  of  the  punifhments  infli&ed 
on  them,  fays,  page  56  u  For  rebellion  the 
44  punifhment  is  burning  them  by  nailing 
44  them  down  on  the  ground,  with  crook- 
44  ed  fticks  on  every  limb,  arid  then  apply- 
ing the  fire  by  degrees  from  the  feet  and 
hands,  burning  them  gradually  up  to  the 
head,  whereby  their  fains  are  extrava- 
gant. For  crimes  of  a  lefs  nature,  gelding 
or  chopping  oiFhalpthe  foot  with  an  axe, 

44 Tor 


u 


(     90     J 

** For  negligence,    they    are   ufually 

"  whipped  by  the  overfeers  with  lance-wood 

"  fwitches. — After   they  are   whipped 

"  till  they  are  raw,  fome  put  on  their  fkins 
"  pepper  and  fait  to  make  them  fmart ;  at 
"  other  times  their  matters  will  drop  melted 
*  wax  on  their  fkins,  and  ufe  feveral  very 
"  exquifife  torments"7  In  that  iiland  the 
owners  of  the  Negroe  flaves,  fet  afide  to 
each  a  parcel  of  ground,  and  allow  them  half 
a  day  at  the  latter  end  of  the  week,  which 
with  the  day  appointed,  by  the  divine  in- 
junction, to  be  a  day  of  reft  and  fcrvice  to 
God,  and  which  ought  to  be  kept  as  fuch, 
is  the  only  time  allowed  them  to  manure 
their  ground.  This  with  a  few  herrings, 
or  other  fait  fifh,  is  what  is  given  for  their 
fupport.  Their  allowance  for  cloathing  in 
the  ifland  is  feldom  more  than  fix  yards  of 
oznabrigs  each  year.  And  in  the  more 
northern  colonies,  where  the  piercing  weft- 
eriy  winds  are  long  and  fenfibly  felt,  thefe 
poor  Africans  fufier  much  for  want  of  fuili- 
cient  cloathing,  indeed  fome  have  none  till 
they  are  able  to  pay  for  it  by  their  labour. 
The  time  that  the  Negroes  work  in  the 
eft  Indies,  is  from  day  break  till  noon; 
then  again  from  two  o'clock  till  dark,  (dur- 
ing which  time  they  are  attended  by  over- 
feers who  feverely  fcourge  thofe  who  appear 
to  them  dilatory,)  and  before  they  are  dif- 
fered 


(  91  ) 
fered  to  go  to  their  quarters,  they  have  ftilt 
fornething  to  do,  as  collecting  herbage  for 
the  horfes,  gathering  fewel  for  the  boilers,, 
&c.  fo  that  it  is  often  paft  twelve  before  they 
can  get  home  ;  when  they  have  fcarce  time 
to  grind  and  boil  their  Indian  corn  :  whereby 
if  their  food  was  not  prepared  the  evening 
before,  it  fometimes  happens,  that  they 
are  called  again  to  labour  before  they  cau 
fatisfy  their  hunger.  And  here  no  delay  or 
.excufe  will  avail,  for  if  they  are  not  in  the 
field  immediately  upon  the  ufual  notice, 
they  muft  expe£t  to  feel  the  overfeers  lafh. 
In  crop  time  (which  lafts  many  months,)  they 
are  obliged  (by  turns,)  to  work  moft  of  the 
night,  in  the  boiling  houfe.  Thus  their 
owners  from  a  defire  of  making  the  greateit 
gain  by  the  labour  of  their  flaves,  lay  heavy 
burdens  on  them,  and  yet  feed  and  cloath 
them  very  fparingly,  and  fome  fcarce  feed  or 
cloath  them  at  all ;  fo  that  the  poor  creatures 
are  obliged  to  fhift  for  their  living  in  the  befc 
manner  they  can  ;  which  occaiions  their 
being  often  killed  in  the  neighbouring  lands, 
ftealing  potatoes  or  other  food,  to  fatisfy 
their  hunger,  And  if  they  tak^  any  thing 
from  the  plantation  they  belong  to,  though 
under  fudb  pi  lg  want,  their  owners  will 
ft  them  feverely,  for  taking  a  little  of 
they  have  fo  hardly  laboured  for; 
Selves  riot  in  the  greateit 
luxury 


(  9*  ) 
luxury  and  excefs.  It  is  a  matter  of  afto- 
nifhment  how  a  people  who,  as  a  nation,  are 
looked  upon  as  generous  and  humane,  and 
fo  much  value  themfelves  for  their  uncom- 
mon fenfe  of  the  benefit  of  liberty,  can  live 
in  the  practice  of  fuch  extreme  oppreflion 
and  inhumanity,  without  feeing  the  incon- 
fiftency  of  fuch  conduct,  and  feeling  great 
remorfe.  Nor  is  it  lefs  amazing  to  hear  thele 
men  calmly  making  caculations  about  the 
ftrength  and  lives  of  their  fellow  men  ;  in 
Jamaica  if  fix  in  ten,  of  the  new  imported 
Negroes  furvive  the  feafoning,  it  is  looked 
upon  as  a  gaining  purchafe.  And  in  moft 
of  the  other  plantations,  if  the  uegroes  live 
eight  or  nine  years,  their  labour  is  reckoned 
a  fufficient  compenfation  for  their  coft.  If 
calculations  of  this  fort  were  made  upon  the 
ftrength  and  labour  of  beafts  of  burden  it 
would  not  appear  fo  ftrange,  but  even  then 
a  merciful  man  would  certainly  ufe  hisbeaft 
with  more  mercy  than  is  ufually  fliewn  to 
the  poor  Negroes.  Will  not  the  groans,  the 
dying  groans,  of  this  deeply  afflicted  and  op- 
preffed  people  reach  heaven,  and  when  the 
cup  of  iniquity  is  full,  mud  not  the  inevit- 
able confequence,  be  the  pouring  forth  of  the 
judgments  of  God  upon  their  oppreffors  ? 
But  alas  !  is  it  not  too  manifeft  that  this  op- 
preflion has  already  long  been  the  object  of 
the  divine  difpleaiuie?    For    what  heavier 

judgment, 


(  93  ) 
judgment,  what  greater  calamity  can  befal 
any  peoplevthan  to  become  "fubject  to  that 
hardnefs  of  heart,  that  forgetfulnefs  of  God, 
and  infenfibility  to  every  religious  irapref- 
fion  ;  as  well  as  that  general  depravation  of 
manners,  which  fo  much  prevails  in  thefe 
colonies,  in  proportion  as  they  have  more 
or  lefs  enriched  themfelves  at  the  expence  of 
the  blood  and  bondage  of  the  Negroes. 

It  is  a  dreadful  confideration,  as  a  late 
author  remarks,  that  out  of  the  flock  of 
eighty  thoufand  Negroesin  Barbadoes,  there 
die  every  year  five  thoufand  more  than  are 
born  in  that  ifland  ;  which  failure  is  probably 
in  the  fame  proportion  in  the  other  iilands. 
In  effect  this  people  is  under  a  necejfity  of  being 
entirely  renewed  every  fixteen  years.  And 
what  muft  we  think  of  the  management  of 
a  people,  who  far  from  increaiing  greatly, 
as  thofe  who  have  no  lofs  by  war  ought  to 
do,  muft  in  fo  fhort  a  time  as  fixteen  years, 
without  foreign  recruits,  be  entirely  con- 
fumed  to  a  man.  Is  it  not  a  chriftian  doc- 
trine, that  the  labourer  /*  worthy  of  his  hire  ? 
.and  hath  not  the  Lord  by  the  mouth  of  his 
prophet  pronounced  "  wo  unto  that  man  who 
46  buildeth  his  houfe  by  unrighteoufnefs,  and  his 
"  chambers  by  wrong*  ^';ho  ufes  his  neighbours 
"  fervice  without  wages,  andgiveth  him  nought 
"  for  his  work  ?"  And  yet  the  poor  Negroe 
flaves  are  conftrained,  Jike  the  beafts,  by 
K  beating 


(    94    ) 
beating  to  work  hard  without  hire  or  recom- 
mence, and  receive  nothing  from  the  hand 
-or  their  unmerciful    matters,  but    fuch    a 
wretched  proviiion  as  will   fcarce   fupport 
.them  under  their  fatigues.     The  intolerable 
.hardships  many  of  the  flaves  undergo  is  fuifi- 
ciently  proved  by  the  fhortnefs  of  their  lives* 
And  who  are  thefe  miferable  crea- 
tures that  receive  fuch  barbarous  treatment 
irom   the  planters?     Can  we  reftrain    our 
juft  indignation  when  we  confider  that  they 
.are    undoubtedly    his    brethren !    his  neigh- 
bours !  the  children  of  the  fame  father  ;  andfome 
of  thofe  for  'whom  Chrift  died^  as  truly  as  for  the 
planter  himfelf.    Let   the  opulent  planter  or 
merchant  prove  that  his  Negroe  Have  is^not 
Lis  brother  ;  or  that  he  is  not  his  neighbour^ 
in  the  fcripture  fenfe  of  thefe  appellations ; 
and  if  he  is  not  able  to  dp  fo,  hoy/  will  he 
juftify  the  buying  and  felling  of  his  brethren, 
as  if  they  were  of  no  more  confideration 
than   his  cattle  ?     The  wearing  tl^m  out 
with    continual    labour,   before  they  have 
lived  out  half  their  days?  The  fevere  whip- 
ping and  torturing  them   even  to  death,  if 
they  reiift  his  infupportable  tyranny;    Let 
the   hardieft  flave-holder  look    forward  to 
that  tremendous   day,  when  he  muft  give 
an  account  to  God  of  his  ftewardfhip,  and 
let  him  ferioufly  confider,  whether  at  fuch  a 
time,  he  thinks,  he  Ihali  be  able  to  fatisfy 

himfelf. 


(9$     ) 

llimfelf,  that  any  act  of  buying  and  felfingy 
ar  the  fate  of  war,  or  the  birth  of  children, 
ia  his  houfe,  plantation,  or  territories,  or 
any  other  circumftance  whatever,  can  give 
him  fuch  an  abfolute  property  in  the  perfons 
of  men,  as  will  juftify  his  retaining  them  as 
Haves,  and  treating  them  as  beafts.  Let  hin> 
diligently  eonlider  whether  there  will  not: 
always  remain  to  the  Have  a  fuperior  proper- 
ty or  right  to  the  fruit  of  his  own  labour  ? 
and  more  efpecially  to  his  own  perfon,  that 
being  which  was  given  him  by  God,  and 
¥,iiich  none  but  the  giver  can  juftly  claim-, 


C  II  A  P. 


(     9*    J 


CHAP.     IX. 

THE     advantage     which    would 

Jiave  accrued  to  the  natives  of  Guinea,  if 
the  Europeans  had  acted  towards  them 
agreeable  to  the  dictates  of  humanity 
and  chriftanity.  An  inordinate  defire  of 
gain  in  the  Europeans-,  the  true  occafioa 
of  the  ilave  trade.  Notice  of  the  mifre- 
prenfations  of  the  Negroes,  by  mod  au- 
thors, in  order  to  palliate  the  iniquity  of 
the  flave  trade.  Thofe  mifreprefentations 
refuted,  particularly  with  refpecl  to  the 
Hottentot  Negroes. 

o 

FROM  the  foregoing  accounts  of  the 
natural  difpofition  of  the  Negroes,  and 
the  fruitfulnefs  of  molt  parts  of  Guinea, 
which  are  confirmed  by  authors  of  can- 
dour, who  have  wrote  from  their  own 
knowledge,  it  may  well  be  concluded,  that 
the  Negroes  acquaintance  with  the  Euro- 
peans might  have  been  a  happinefe  to  them, 
if  thefe  iaft  had  not  only  bore  the  name, 
but  had  alfo  acted  the  part  of  Chriftians,  and 
ufed  their  endeavours  by  example  as  well  as 
precept,  to  make  them  acquainted  with  the 

glad 


(    97    ) 
glad  tidings  of  the  gofpel ;  which  breathes 
peace  and  good  will  to  man,  and  with  that 
change  of  heart,  that  redemption  from  fin, 
which    chriftianity    propofeth  ;    innocence 
and  love  might  then  have  prevailed,  nothing 
would  have  been  wanting  to   compleat  the 
happinefs  of  the  fimple  Africans :    but  the 
reverfe  has  happened;  the   Europeans  for- 
getful  of  their   duty,   as   men,  and  chrif- 
tians,   have  conducted   in    fo  iniquitous  a 
manner,  as   muft     neceffarily   raife  in   the 
minds  of  the  thoughtful  and  well  difpofed 
Negroes,    the  utmoft  fcorn  and  deteftation. 
of  the  very  name  of  chriftians.     All  other 
confiderations  have  given  way  to  an  infati- 
able  defire   of  gain,   which   has  been  the 
principal  and  moving  caufe  of  the  moll  ini- 
quitous and  dreadful  fcene  that  was,  perhaps, 
ever  acted  upon  the  face  of  the  earth  ;  in- 
Head  of  making  ufe  of  that  fuperior  know- 
ledge, with  which  the  Almighty,  the  common 
parent  of  mankind,  had  favoured  them,  to 
strengthen  the  principle  of  peace  and  good 
will  in  the  breafts  of  the  incautious  Negroes; 
the  Europeans  have,  by  their  bad  example,  led 
them  into  excefs  of  drunken nefs,  debauch- 
ery and  avarice ;    whereby  every  paffion  of 
corrupt  nature  being  inflamed,  they  have 
been  eafily  prevailed  upon  to  make  war,  and 
captivate  one  another ;    as  well  to  furnilh 
means  for  the  exeffes  they  had  been  habi- 
K  3  tuated 


(  9^  ) 

t dated  to,  as  to  fatify  the  greedy  deiire 
gain  in  their  profligate  employers  ;  who  to 
this  intent  have  furnilhed  them  with  prodi- 
gious quantities  of  arms  and  amunition. 
Thus  they  have  been  hurried  into  confufion, 
diftrefs  and  all  the  extremities  of  temporal 
mifery  ;  every  thing,  even  the  power  of 
their  kings,  has  been  made  fubfervient  to 
this  wicked  purpofe,  for  inftead  of  being 
protectors  of  their  fubjects,  fome  of  thole 
rulers  corrupted  by  the  exceflive  love  of 
fpirituous  liquors,  and  the  tempting  baits 
laid  before  them  by  the  factors,  have  invad- 
ed the  liberties  of  their  unhappy  fubjects,  and 
are  become  their  oppreffors. 

Here  it  may  be  necefiary  to  obferve,  that 
the  accounts  we  have  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Guinea,  are  chiefly  given  by  perfons  engag- 
ed in  the  trade,  who,  from  felf  interefted 
views,  have  defcribed  them  in  fuch  colours 
3s  were  leaft  likely  to  excite  compaffion  and 
refpeft,  and  endeavoured  to  reconcile  fo 
manifeft  a  violation  of  the  rights  of  mankind 
to  the  minds  of  the  purchafers  ;  yet  they 
cannot  but  allow  the  Negroes  to  be  pofeffed 
of  fome  good  qualities,  though  they  contrive 
as  much  as  poffible  to  call  a  {hade  over  them. 
A  particular  inftance  of  this  appears  in  Ait- 
ley's  collection  2  vol.  p.  73,  where  the  au- 
thor fpeaking  of  the  Mandingo's  fettled  at 
Galcm,  which  is  fituated  poo  miles  up  the 

Senegal, 


(  99.  ) 
Senegal,  after  faying  that  they  carry  on  2 
commerce  to  all  the  neighbouring  king- 
doms,  and  amafs  riches,  adds,  "  That  ex- 
u  cepting  the  vices  peculiar  to  the  blacks ,  they 
u  are  a  good  fort  of  people,  honeft,  hofpi- 
"  tablejuft  to  their  word,  laborious,  induf- 
"  trious  and  very  ready  to  learn  arts  and 
"  fciences."  Here  it  is  difficult  to  imagine 
what  vices  can  be  peculiarly  attendant  on  a 
people  fo  well  diipofed  as  the  author  de- 
scribes thefe  to  be.  With  refpect  to  the 
charge  fome  authors  have  brought  againft 
them  as  being  void  of  all  natural  affe&ion, 
it  is  frequently  contradi&ed  by  others:  ia 
the  2  voL  of  the  collec.  p.  275,  and  629, 
the  Negroes  of  North  Guinea,  and  the 
Gold  Coaft,  are  faid,  to  be  fond  of  their  Child- 
wn,  whom  they  love  with  tendernefs.  And 
Bofman  fays  p.  340,  "  Not  a  few  in  his 
"  country  (viz.  Holland)  fondly  imagine, 
*  that  parents  here  fell  their  children  ;  men 
M  their  wives,  and  one  brother  the  other; 
u  but  thofe  who  think  fo  deceive  them- 
"  felves ;  for  this  never  happens  on  any 
cc  other  account  but  that  o'f  neceffity,  or 
"  fome  great  crime. "  The  fame  is  repeated 
by  J.  Barbot,  page  326,  and  alfo  confirmed 
by  Sir  Hans  Sloan,  in  the  introduction  to  his 
natural  hiftory  of  Jamaica  ;  where  fpeaking 
of  the  Negroes,  he  fays, "  They  are  ufually 
£  thought     to     be     haters    of  their  own 

"  children, 


(     ioo     > 

44  children,  and  therefore  'tis  believed  that 
44  they  fell  and  difpofe  of  them  toftrangers 
44  for  money ;  but  this  is  not  true,  for  the 
«  Negroes  of  Guinea  being  divided  into. 
44  feveral  captainfhips,  as  well  as  the  Indians: 
44  of  America,  have  wars,  and  belides  thofe 
44  flain  in  battle,  many  prifoners  are  taken, 
44  who  are  fold  as  flaves  and  brought  thither;, 
44  but  the  parents  here  although  their  child- 
44  ren  are  flaves  for  ever,  yet  have  fo  great 
46  love  for  them,,  that  no  mailer  dares  fell, 
44  or  give  away  one  of  their  little  ones, 
44  unlefs  they  care  not  whether  their  parents 
44  hang  themfelves  or  no."  J.  Barbot 
fpeaking  of  the  occafioa  of  the  natives 
of  Guinea  being  reprefented  as,  a  treacherous 
people,  afcribes  it  to  the  Hollanders  (and 
doubtlefs  other  Europeans,)  ufurping  autho- 
rity, and  fomenting  divifions  between  the 
Negroes.  At  page  i  io  he  fays,  "  It  is  well 
"  known  that  many  of  the  European  nations 
44  trading  amongft  thefe  people,  have  very 
44  unjuftly  and  inhumanly,  without  any 
44  provocation,  flolen  away,  from  time  to 
44  time,  abundance  of  the  people,  not  only 
44  on  this  coaft,  but  almoft  every  where  in 
44  Guinea  who  have  come  on  board  their 
u  fhips  in  a  harmlefs  and  confiding  manner^ 
44  thefe  they  have  in  great  numbers  car- 
44  ried  away,  and  fold  in  the  plantations  with 
44  other  flaves,  which  they  had  purchafed." 

And 


(     roi     > 

And  although  fome  of  the  Negroes  may  Be 
juflly  charged  with  indolence  and  fuppinefs, 
yet  many  others  are  frequently  mentioned 
by  authors  as  a  careful r,  induflricus  and  even 
laborious  people.  But  nothing  fhews  more 
clearly  how  unfafe  it  is  to  form  a  judgment 
of  diilant  people  from  the  accounts  given 
of  them  by  travellers,  who  have  taken  but 
a  tranfient  view  of  things,,  than  the  cafe  of 
the  Hottentots,  viz.  thofe  feveral  nations  of 
Negroes  who  inhabit  the  moft  fouthern  part 
of  Africa:  thefs  people  are  reprefented,  by 
feveral  authors,  w7ho  appear  to  have  very 
much  copied  their  relations  one  from  the 
other,  as  fo  favage  and  barbarous  as  to  have 
little  of  human,  but  the  fhape ;  but  thefe 
accounts  are  ftrongly contradicted  by  others, 
particularly  Peter  Kolben  has  given  a  cir- 
cumfiantiai  relation  of  the  difpofition  and 
manners  of  thofe  people,  j  He  was  a  man 
of  learning,  fen t  from  the  court  of  Pruffia, 
folely  to  make  stftronomical  and  natural  ob- 
servations there;  and  havingno  intereft  in  the 
ilavery  of  the  Negroes,  had  not  the  fame 
inducement  as  moft  other  relators  had,  to 
mlfreprefent  the  natives  of  Africa.  He  re- 
iided  eight  years  at  and  about  the  Cape 
Good  Hope,  during  which  time  he  examin-  ' 
ed  with  great  care  into  the  cuftoms,  manners 

and 

t  See  Kolben's  account  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope, 


(       102       % 

and  opinions  of  the  Hottentots;  whence  lie 
fets  thefe  people  in  a  quite  different  light'? 
from  what  they  appeared  in  former  authors, 
whom  he  corrects,  and  blames'for  the  falfe- 
hoods  they  have  wantonly  told  of  them,  at 
p.  6 1 .  he  iays, "  The  detail  we  have  in  feve- 
"  ral  authors,  are  for  themoft  part  made  up 
"  of  inventions  and  hearfays,  which  gener- 
"  ally  prove  faife."— Neverthelefs,  he  allows 
they  are  juftly  to  be  blamed  for  their  floth. 
— The  love-  of  liberty  and  indolence  is  their  all : 
compulfion  is  death  to  them.  While  nc-eejfity  oblige? 
the m  to  work,  they  are  very  tractable,  obedient 
and  faithful ;  but  when  they  have  got  enough 
to  fatisfy  the  -prefent  want,  they  are  deaf  to  all 
further  entreaty.  He  alfo  faults  them  for 
their  naftinefs,  the  effefts  of  Goth,  and  for 
their  Jove  of  drink ;  and  the  practice  of 
ibme  unnatural  cuftoms,  which  long  ufe  lias 
eiiablifhed  amongft  them;  which  neverthe- 
lefs, from  the  general  good  difpofition  of 
thefe  people,  there  is  great  reafon  to  believe 
they  might  be  perfuaded  to  refrain  from  ; 
if  a  truly  chriitian  care  had  been  exten- 
ded towards  them;  he  fays,.  "  They 
u  are  eminently  diflinguiflied  by  ma- 
**  ny  virtues,  as  their  mutual  benevQ- 
"  lence,  friendfhip  and  hofpitality  ;  they 
"  breathe  kindnefs  and  good  will,  to  one 
t€-  another  ;  and  feek  all  opportunities  of 
"  obliging.  Is  a  Hottentots  afliflance  re- 
quired 


i    i*Z    ) 

0  quired  by  one   of  his  countrymen,  foe 
"  runs  to  give  it ;    Is  his  advice  afked  he 
f*  gives  it  with  fincerity.  Is  his  countryman 
■P  in  want,  he  relieves  him  to  the  utmoft  of 
cC  his  power."*'     Their  hofpitallity  ^extends 
even  to  European  ftrangers  :    in  travelling 
through  the  Cape  countries,  you  meet  with 
a  chearful  and  open  reception,  in  whatfo 
ever  village  you  come  to.     In  fliort  he  fays, 
p.  339,    "The  integrity  of  the    Hotten- 
"  tots ;  their  ftrictnefs  and  celerity  in  the 
iC  execution  of  juftice,  and  .their  charity  ar,e 
"  equalled  by  few  nations.  In  alliances  their 
"  word  is  f acred;  there  being  hardly  any  thing, 
"  they  look  upon  as  a  fuller  crime  than  breach jpf 
45  engagements.     Theft  and  adultery  they  fu- 
"  nijh  with  death**      They  firmly  believe 
there  is  a  God,   the  author  of  all  things, 
whom  they  call  the  God  of  gods :   but  it 
does  not  appear  that  they  have  an  jnftitution 
of  worfhip  dire&ly  regarding  this  fupreme 
Deity.     When  preffed.on  this  article,  they 
excufe  themfelves   by   a  tradition,  "  That 
"  their  firfl  parents    fo  grievoufly     offended 
"  this  great  God,  that  he  curfed  them  and  their 
"  foflerity  with  hardnefs    of  hectrt ;  fo  that 
u  they  know  little  about  him,  and  have  lefs  in- 
U  dination  to  ferve  him"    (As  -has  been  al- 
ready remarked,)  Thefe  Hottentots  are  the 
only  Negroe  nations  bordering  on  the  fea, 
we  read  of3  who  are  not  concerned  in  mak- 
ing 


(  «>4  3 
ing  or  keeping  flaves.  Thofe  flaves  mrtde 
ufe  of  by  the  Hollanders  at  the  Cape,  are 
brought  from  other  parts  of  Guinea.  Num- 
bers of  thefe  people  told  the  author,  "  That 
•*c  the  vice  they  faw  prevail  amongft  chrif- 
c;  tians  ;  their  avarice,  their  envy  and  hat- 
"  red  of  one  another ;  their  reftlefs  difcon- 
*c  tented  tempers,  their  lafcivioufnefs  and 
c<  injuftice,  were  the  things  that  principally 
"  kept  the  Hottentots  from  hearkening  to 
u  chriftianity." 

Father  Tachard  a  Trench  jefuit  famous 
for  his  travels  in  the  Eaft  Indies,  in  his  ac- 
count of  thefe  people,  fays,  "  The  Hotten- 
*V  tots  have  more  honefty,  love  and  libera- 
"  lity  for  one  another,  than  are  almoil  any 
•4C  where  feen  amongft  chriftianSh." 


CHAP. 


(     ">5     ) 


CHAP.      X. 

Man-flealing  efteemed  highly  cri- 
minal and  punifliable  by  the  laws  of 
Guinea  :  No  Negroes  allowed  to  be  fold 
for  Slaves  there  but  thofe  deemed  prifon- 
ersofwar,  or  in  puniftiment  for  crimes. 
Some  of  the  Negroe  rulers,  corrupted  by 
the  Europeans,  violently  infringe  the  laws 
of  Guinea.  The  king  of  Barfailay  noted 
in  that  refped. 

BY  an  enquiry  into  the  laws  and  cuftoms 
formerly  in  ufe  and  ftill  in  force 
amongft  the  Negroes,  particularly  on  the 
Gold  Coaft,  it  will  be  found,  that  provifioh 
was  made  for  the  general  peace,  and  for  the 
iafety  of  individuals  ;  even  in  W.  Bofman's 
time,  long  after  the  Europeans  had  eftablifh- 
ed  the  Have  trade,  the  natives  were  not 
publicly  enflaved,  any  otherwife  than  in 
punifhment  for  crimes  ;  when  prifoners  of 
war ;  or  by  a  violent  exertion  of  the  power 
of  their  corrupted  kings.  Where  any  of  the 
natives  were  llolen,  in  order  to  be  fold  to 
the  Europeans,  it  was  done  fecretly,  or  at 
ieafi  only  connived  at  by  thofe  in  power; 
I*  this 


(     ?o6    ) 
this  appears  from  Barbot  and  Bofman's   ac- 
count  of  the  matter,  both   agreeing    tha£ 
Man-ftealing    was    not    allowed    on     the 
Gold  Coaft.     The  firft,  f  fays,  «    Kidnap- 
"  P?n£   or  flealing  of  human  creatures  is  pu- 
"  nijhed  there^and even fometimes  with  death!* 
AndW.Bofman,  whofe  long  refidence   on 
the    coaft,     enabled   him    to    fpeak    with 
certainty,  fays  }  "    That  the  laws   were  ft- 
"  vere   again]}   murder ■,    thievery    a?td  adul- 
CQ  tery"  and  adds,"  That -"man-ftealing  was 
"  puniftjed    on   the    Gold  Coaft    with     rigid 
"  feverity,  and  fometimes  with  death  itfelf** 
Hence  it  may  be  concluded,  that   the  fale 
of  thegreateft  part  of  the  Negroes   to  the 
Europeans  is  fupported  by  violence,  in  defi- 
ance of  the  laws,  through  the, knavery  of 
their  principal  men*,  who,  (as  is  too  often 
the  cafe  with  thofe  in  European  countries) 
under  pretence  of  encouraging  trade,  and 
cncreafing  the  public  revenue,  difregard  the 
dictates  of  juftice,  and  trample  upon  thofe 
liberties  which  they  are  appointed  to  pre- 
ferve. 

Fr.  Moor  alfo  mentions,  Man-ftealing  as 
being  difcountenanced  by  the  Negroe  Go- 
vernments 

\  Barbot,  page  303.       *    %  Bofman,  page  143. 

*  Note.  B arbor,  page  270  fays,  the  trade  of  flaves 
is  in  a  more  peculiar  manner  the  bufinefs  of  kings,  rich 
men  and  prime,  merchajus,  exclufrveof  the  inferior  fort 
ofblacks. 


(     ™1    ) 

rnments  on  the  river  Gambia,  and  fpeaks 
of  the  ihflaving  the  peaceable  inhabitants, 
as    a    violence,    which    only    happens  un- 
der  a  corrupt    adminiftration   of    juftice  ; 
he  fays,    "  *  The   kings   of  that    country 
"■''  generally    advife    with  their   head  men, 
w  icarcely  doing  any  thing  of  confequence, 
""  without    confulting    them    firft,  except 
u   the  king  of  Barfailay,  who  being  fubje£t 
*4  to  hard  drinking  is   very  abfolute.  It  is 
"  to  this  king's  infatiable  thirft  for  brandy, 
u  that    his-  Subjects    freedoms    and   fami- 
"  lies   are    in  io  precarious    a   fituation j" 
"  JWhenever    this    king    wants  goods  or 
"  brandy,  he  fends  a  meffenger  to  the  Eng- 
""lilh  Governor  at  James  Fort,  to  defire  he 
"'  would  fend  a  floop  there   with    a  cargo  ; 
"  this  nerjus^  being  not  at  all   unwelcome^  the 
"   Governor  fends  accordingly  ;  againit  the 
cc  arrival  of  the  Hoop,  the   King    goes   and 
"  ranfacks    fome    of  his    enemies    towns, 
"  feizing  the  people,  and  felling  them   for 
**  fuch  commodities    as  he  is  in    want  of, 
c;  which  commonly  is  brandy,  guns,  pow- 
"  der,  balls,  piftols  and  cutlaifes  for  his  at- 
"  tendants  and  foldiers  ;  and  coral  and  fil- 
"  ver  for  his  wives  and  concubines;  in  cafe 
w  he  is  not  at  war  with  any    neighbouring 
"  king,  he  then  falls  upon  one  of  his  own 
"  towns,   which  are    numerous,  and    ufes 
"  them  in  the  fame  manner;   "  He  often 


goes 


Moor,  page  61,  %  Idem,  page  46, 


'  (     io8     ) 

"  goes  with  fome  of  his  troops  by  a 
"  town  in  the  day  time,  and  returning  in 
"  the  night,  fets  fire  to  three  parts  or  it,  and 
"  putting  guards  at  the  fourth,  there  feizes 
"  the  people  as  they  run  out  from  the  fire, 
"  he  ties  their  arms  behind  them,  and 
"  marches  them  either  to  Joar  or  Cohone,. 
"  where  he  fells  them  to  the  Europeans." 

A.  Brue,  the  French  diredfor  gives 
much  the  fame  account,  and  fays,*  "That 
"  having  received  goods  he  wrote  to  the 
"  King,  that  if  he  had  a  fufficient  num- 
"  ber  of  flaves,  he  was  ready  to  trade. 
"  with  him.  This  prince,  as  well  as  the 
"  other  Negroe  monarchs,  has  always  a, 
"  fureway  of  fupplying  his  deficiences,  by 
"  felling  his  own  fubjecls,  for  which  they 
"  feldom  want  a  pretence.  The  King  had 
"  recourfe  to  this  method  by  feizing  three 
"  hundred  of  his  own  people,  and  fent  word 
"  to  the  director  that  he  had  the  flaves  rea- 
"  dy  to  deliver  for  the  goods."  It  feems,, 
the  King  wanted  double  the  quantity  of 
goods,  which  the  fadlor  would  give  him 
for  thefe  three  hundred  flaves ;  but  the  fac- 
tor refufing  to  trufthim,  as  he  wras  already, 
in  the  company's  debt,  and  perceiving  that 
this  refufal  had  put  the  king  much  out  of 
temper,  he  propofed  that  he  fhould  give  him 
a  licence  for  taking  fo  many  more  of  his 
people,  as  the  goods  he  flill  wanted  were 

worth  ; 

&  Collect  Vol.  II.  page  29. 


(  109  ) 
Worth  ;  but  this  the  King  refufed,  faying, 
"  It  might  occafion  a  disturbance  amongft 
"  his  fubjecb."*  Except  in  the  above  in- 
ftance,  and  fome  others,  where  the  power 
of  the  Negroe  Kings  are  unlawfully  exerted 
oyer  their  fubje&s ;  the  flave  trade  is  carried 
on  in  Guinea  with  fome  regard  to  the  laws 
of  the  country,  which  allow  of  none  to  be 
fold  but  prifoners  taken  in  their  national 
wars,  or  people  adjudged  to  flavery  in  pu- 
niftiments  for  crimes  ;  but  the  largenefs  of 

the 


*  Note.  This  Negroe  king,  thus  refufing  to  com- 
ply with  the  Factor's  wicked  propofai,  fliews,  he  was 
fenfible  his  own  conduct  was  not  juftifiable  ;  and  it 
likewife  appears  the  Factor's  only  concern  was  to  pro- 
cure the  greateft  number  of  flaves,  without  any  re- 
gard to  the  injuftice  of  the  method,  by  which  they 
were  procured.  This  Andrew  Brue,  was,  for  a  long 
time,  principal  director  of  the  French  African  factory 
in  thofe  parts ;  in  the  management  of  which,  he  is  in 
the  collection  faid  to  have  had  extraordinary  fuccefs. 
The  part  he  ought  to  have  acted  as  a  Chriftian  towards 
the  ignorant  Africans  feems  quite  out  of  the  queftion; 
the  profit  of  his  employers  appears  to  have  been  his 
fole  concern  ;  at  page  62,  fpeaking  of  the  country  on 
the  Senegal  river,  he  fays,  "  It  was  very  populous, 
"  the  foil  rich,  and  if  the  people  were  industrious, 
"  they  might,  of  their  own  produce,  carry  on  a  vc- 
cc  ry  advantageous  .trade  with  ftrangers  ;  there  being 
"  bui  few  things  in  which  they  could  be  excelled ; 
•'  but  (he  adds)  //  is  to  be  hoped  the  Europeans  ivill 
*'  let  them  into  the  fecr-ei V  A  remark  unbecoming  ha- 
manlty,  much  more  chrifuanity  ! 


(    no   ) 

the  country,  the  number  of  kingdoms  or 
commonwealths,  and  the  great  encourage- 
ment given  by  the  Europeans,  afford  fre- 
quent pretences  and  opportunities  to  the 
bold  defigning  profligates  of  one  kingdom 
to  furprize  and  feize,  not  only  upon  thofe 
of  a  neighbouring  government,  but  alfo  the 
weak  and  helplefs  of  their  own  ;*  and  the 
unhappy  people  taken  on  thofe  occafions, 
are,  with  impunity,  fold  to  the  Europeans, 
Thefe  practices  are  doubtlefs  difapproved  of 
by  the  moil  confiderate  amongft  the  Ne- 
groes, for  Bofman  acquaints  us,  that  even 
their  national  wars  are  not  agreeable  to- 
fuch.  He  faysf  "  If  the  perfon  who  occa- 
"  fioned  the  beginning  of  the  war  be  taken, 
cc  they  will  not  eafily  admit  him  to  ranfom, 
"  though  his  weight  in  gold  fhould  be  of- 
"  fered,  for  fear  he  fliould,  in  future,  form 
"  fome  new  defign  againft  their  repofe." 

CHAP. 

*  This  inhuman  practice  is  particularly  defcribed 
byBrue,  in  Collect.  Vol.  II.  page  98,  where  he  fays, 
w  That  fome  of  the  natives,  are,  on  all  occafions, 
M  endeavouring  to  furprize  and  carry  off  their- coun- 
«  try  people.  They  land  (fays  he)  without  noife, 
*  and  if  they  find  a  lone  cottage  without  defence,  they 
■-  furround'it,  and  carry  off  all  the  people  and  effects 
•«  to  their  boat,  and  immediately  reimbark."  This 
feems  to  be  moftly  praftifed  by  fome  Negroes  who 
dwell  en  the  fea  coaft. 

f  Bofman,  p.  J 55* 


(  "I  ) 


CHAP.    XL 

An  account  of  the  Hiocking  inhu- 
manity ufed  in  the  carrying  on  of  the 
flave  trade,  as  deferibed  by  factors  of  diffe- 
rent nations,  viz.  By  Francis  Moor  on 
the  river  Gambia,  and  by  John  Barbot, 
A.  Brue  and  William  Bofman  thro'  the 
coaft  of  Guinea.  Note.  Of  the  large  reve- 
nues arifing  to  the  kings  of  Guinea  from 
the  Have  trade. 

FIRST  Francis  Moor,  factor  for  the  Eng- 
lifh  African  company  on  the  river 
Gambia,  f  writes,  "  That  there  is  a  num- 
"  ber  of  Negro  traders  called  joncoes  or 
iC  merchants,  who  follow  the  flave  trade,  as 
"  a  bufinefs,  their  place  of  refidence  is  fa 
"  high  up  in  the  country,  as  to  be  fix 
*'  weeks  travel  from  James  Fort,  which  is 
*  fituate  at  the  mouth  of  that  river.  Thefe 
46  merchants  bring  down  elephants  teeth, 
"  and  in  fome  years  two  thoufand  flaves, 
"  moll  of  which  they  fay,  are  prifoners 
m  taken  in  war*      They  buy  them  from  the 

"  different 

t  Moor,  page  28 > 


(  II*  ) 

6  different  princes,  who  take  them  ;  many 
8  of  them  are  Bumbrongs  and  Petcharies ; 
c  nations,  who  each  of  them  have  different 
c  languages,  and  are  brought  from  a  vaft 
1  way  inland.  Their  way  of  bringing  them 
1  is  tying  them  by  the  neck,  with  leathern 
6  thongs,  at  about  a  yard  diitance  from  each 
c  other,  thirty  or  forty  in  a  firing,  having 
c  generally  a  bundle  of  corn  or  elephants 
c  teeth  upon  each  of  their  heads.  In  their 
c  way  from  the  mountains,  they  travel  thro' 
'  very  great  woods,  where  they  cannot  for 
6  fome  days  get  water  ;  fo  they  carry  in  fkin 
c  bags  enough  to  fupport  them  for  a  time. 
'  I  cannot,  (adds  Moor)  be  certain  of  the 
c  number  of  merchants  who  follow  this 
c  trade,  but  there  may,  perhaps,  be  about 
c  an  hundred,  who  go  up  into  the  inland 
1  country,  with  the  goods  which  they  buy 
1  from  the  white  men,  and  with  them  pur- 
'  chafe,  in  various  countries,  gold,  flaves, 
c  and  elephants  teeth.  Befides  the  flaves 
'  which  the  merchants  bring  down,  there 
c  are  many  bought  along  the  river  :  Thefe 
6  are  either  taken  in  war,  as  the  former  are, 
'  or  men  condemned  for  crimes  ;  cr  elfepeo- 
c  pleftolen,  which  is  very  frequent. — Since  the 
flave  trade  has  been  ufed  all  punifhments 
are  changed  into  flavery  ;  there  being  an 
advantage  on  fuch  condemnation,"  they 

« ;  Jlrain 


(  "i  > 

€c  ft  rain  for  crimes  very  hard,  in  order  to  get  the 
"  benefit  of  felling  the  criminal" 

John  Barbot,  the  French  factor,  in  his 
account  of  the  manner  by  which  the  flaves 
are  procured,  fays,  "  f  The  flaves  fold  by 
"  the  Negroes,  are  for  the  moft  part  prifon- 
f  ers  of  war,  or  taken  in  the  incurfions 
cc  they  make  in  their  enemies  territories  ; 
u  others  are  ftolen  away  by  their  neigh- 
u  bours,  when  found  abroad,  on  the  road, 
cc  or  in  the  woods  y,  or  elfe  in  the  corn 
&  fields,  at  the  time  of  the  year  when  their 
"  parents  keep  them  there  all  the  day  to 
cc  fcare  away  the  devouring  fmall  birds." 
Speaking  of  the  tranfattions  on  that  part  of 
Guinea,  called  the  Slave  Coaft,  where  the 
Europeans  have  the  moft  factories,  and 
from  whence  they  bring  away  much  the 
greateft  number  of  flaves,  the  fame  author 
and  alfo  Bofman  *  fays,  "  The  inhabitants 
"  of  Coto  do  much  mifchief  in  ftealing  thofe 
"  flaves  they  fell  to  the  Europeans  from  the 

"  upland  country. That  the  inhabitants 

"  of  Popo,  excell  the  former,  being  en- 
"  do  wed  with  a  much  larger  fliare  ofcou* 
cc  rage,  they  rob  more  fuccefsfully,  by 
"  which  means  they  increafe  their  riches 
"  and  trade  :"  The  author  particularly  re- 
marks, 


f  John  Barbot,  page  47, 
•  Bofman,  page  3 10, 


(     "4    ) 
marks,  "  That  they  are   encouraged  in  this'' 
"  fraElice  by  the  Europeans  ;     fometimes    it 
"  happens  according  to  the  fuccefs  of  their' 
"  inland  excurfions,  that  they  are   able  to 
cc  furniih  two  hundred  Haves  or  more  in  a 
<c  few  days.'*   And  he  fays,  **  |- The  blacks 
"  ofFida,  or  Whydah  are  fc  expeditious  in 
"   trading  for  Haves,  that  they  can  deliver  a: 

"  thoufand  every    month/' "  If  there 

"  happens  to  be  no  ftock  of  Haves  there, 
"  the  factor  muft  truft  the  blacks  with  his 
cl  goods  to  the  value  of  one  hundred  and 
"  fifty,  or  two  hundredpounds,  which  goods 
"  they  carry  up  into  the  inland  country 
u  to  buy  flaves  at  all  markets  *,  for  above 

"fix 


f  Barbot,  page  326. 

*  When  the  great  income  which  arifes  to  the  Ne- 
groe  kings  on  the  Slave-Coaft, from  the  flaves  brought 
thro'  their  feveral  governments  to  be  (hipped  onboard  - 
the  European  veffels,  is  considered,  we  have  no  caufe 
to  wonder  that  they  give  fo  great  a  countenance  to  ' 
that  trade,  William  -Bofman  fays,  page  337.  '•  That 
H  each  Jhip  <mhieh  comes  to  Whydah  to  trade,  reckoning  one 
"  with  another  either  by  toll,  trad:  or  cujiom,  pays 
**  about  four  hundred  pounds  and  fometimes  fifty  Jhips 
'*  come  hither  in  a  year.'*  Barbot  confirms  the  fame  and 
adds,  page  350.  u  That  in  the  neighbouring  kingdom  of 
"  Ardah  the  duty  to  the  king  is  the  value  cf feventy  or  eighty 
"  flaves  for  each  trading  jhip ."  Which  is  near  half  as 
much  more  as  at  Whydah,  nor  can  the  Europeans 
concerned  in  the  trade  with  any  degree  of  propriety 
blame  the  African  Kings  for  countenancing  it,  while 

they 


.(  "S  ) 
*c  fix  hundred  miles  up  the  country,  were 
«;  they  are  kept  like  cattle  in  Europe  ;  the 
"  flaves  fold  there  being  generally  prifoners 
"  of  war,  taken  from  their  enemies  like 
"  other  booty,  and  perhaps  fome  few  fold 
u  by  their  own  country  men,  in  extream 
6C  want  or  upon  a  famine,  as  alfo  fome  as  a 
"  puniihment  of  henious  crimes."  So  far 
Barbot's  account,  that  given  by  William 
Bofman  is  as  follows,  "  j|  When  the  Haves 
u  which  are  brought  from  the  inland  coun- 
tries, come  taWhydah,  they  are  put  in 
c<  prifon  together,  when  we  treat  concern- 
"  ing  buying  them,  they  are  all  brought  out 
€C  together  in  a  large  plain,  where,  by  our 
"  furgeons,  they  are  thoroughly  examined, 
"  and  that  naked,  both  men  and  women, 
"  without  the  leaft  diftinflion  or  modefty.* 
;  Thofe 

they  continue  to  fend  veffels  on  purpofe,  to  take  in  the 
fiaves  which  are  thus  ftolen,  and  that  they  are  permit- 
ted under  the  fan&ion  of  national  laws  to  fell  them 
to  the  colonies, 

||  Bofman,  page  340. 

*  Note  from  the  above  account  of  the  indecent  and 
{hocking  manner  in  which  the  unhappy  Negroes  are 
treated,  it  is  reafonable  fprperfons  unacquainted  with 
thefe  people  to  conclude  them  to  be  void  of  that  natu- 
ral modefty,  fo  becoming  a  reafonable  creature;  but 
thofe  who  have  had  intercourfe  with  the  blacks  in 
thefe  northern  colonies  know  that  this  would  be  a 
wrong  conclufion  ;  for  they  are  indeed  as  fufceptible 
4>f. modefty  and  flume  as  other  people-.    It  is  the  xm* 

parallel'd 


(      IKS     ) 

"  Thofe  which  are  approved  as  good  are  fet 
"  on  one  fide  ;  in  the  mean  while  a  burning 
6i  iron,  with  the  arms  or  name  of  the  com- 
"  pany,  lies  in  the  fire,  with  which  ours  are 
"  marked  on  the  breaft.  When  we  have  a- 
"  greed  with  the  owners  of  the  flaves,  they 
"  are  returned  to  their  prifons,  where  from 
"  that  time  forward  they  are  kept  at  our 
"  charge,  coft  us  two  pence  a  day,  each 
"  Have,  wrhich  ferves  to  fubfift  them  like  cri- 
4C  minals  on  bread  and  water  j  fo  that    to 

"  fave 

parellel'd  brutality  to  which  the  Europeans  have  by 
long  cuftora  been  inured,  which  urgeth  them,  without 
blufhing,  to  act  fo  fhameful  a  part.  Such  ufage  is 
certainly  grievous  to  the  poor  Negroes,  particularly  the 
women  ;  but  they  are  flaves,  and  muft  fubmit  to  this, 
or  any  other  abufe  that  is  offered  them,  by  their  cruel 
tafk-mafters,  or  expeel  tobe  inhumanly  tormented  in- 
to acquiefcence.  That  the  blacks  are  unaccuftomed 
t®  fuch  brutality,  appears  from  an  inftance  mention- 
ed in  Aftley's  Collection,  vol.  2.  page  201.  viz. 
"  At  an  audience  which  Cafseneuve  had  of  the  king 
c<  of  Congo,  where  he  was  ufed  with  a  great  deal  of 
«'  civility  by  the  blacks,  fome  flaves  were  delivered 
«c  to  him.  The  king  obferving  Cafseneuve  (according 
W  to  the  cuftom  of  the  Europeans)  to  handle  the 
<c  limbs  of  the  flaves,  burft  out  a  laughing,  as  did 
«<  the  great  men  about  him  ;  the  faclor  afking  the 
*c  interpreter  the  occafion  cf  their  mirth,  was  told 
<(  it  proceeded  from  his  fo  nicely  examining  the  flaves. 
"  Neverthelefs  the  King  was  fo  'afoamed  of  it  that  he  deji- 
"  red  him  for  dscaicfs  fake  to  do Min  a  more  private  man* 
"  rier. 


(  "7  ) 
%c  fave  charges,  we  fend  them  on  board  our 
"  fhips  the  very  firft  opportunity,  before 
<c  which  their  mafters  flrip  them  of  all  they 
cc  have  on  their  backs,,  fo  that  they  come  on 
"  board  ft  ark  naked,  as  well  women  as 
46  men.  In  which  condition  they  are  obliged 
"  to  continue,  if  the  mafter  of  the  fhip  is  not 
"  fo  charitable  (which  he  commonly  is)  as  to 
"  beftow  fomething  on  them  to  cover  their 
"  nakednefs.  Six  or  feven  hundred  are 
<;-fometimes  put  onboard  a  veflel,  where 
cc  they  lie  as  clofe  together  as  its  poflible  for 
**  them  to  be  crowded," 


M  CHAP- 


(     xr-8    ) 


CHAP.    XII. 
jExtrads    of  feveral    Journals   of 

Voyages  to  the  coaft  of  Guinea  for  Slaves, 
whereby  the  extreme  inhumanity  of  that 
traffick.is  defcribed.  Melancholy  account 
of  a  fhip  blown  up  on  that  coaft  with  a 
great  number  of  Negroes  on  board.  In- 
fiances  of  Clocking'  barbarity  perpetrate^ 
by  mafters  of  veffels  towards  their  flaves. 
Inquiry  why  thefe  fcandalous  infringe- 
ments both  of  divine  and  human  laws  are 
overlooked  by  the  government. 

TH  E  mifery  and  bloodfhed  attendant 
on  the  Have  trade,  is  fet  forth  by  the 
-following  extracts  of  two  voyages  to  the 
.coaft  of  Guinea,  for  flaves.  The  firft  in  a 
veffel  from  Liverpool,  taken  verbatim  from 
the  original  manufcript  of  the  Surgeon's 
Journal,  viz. 

"  Seftro,  December  the  29th,  1724,  No 
"  trade  to  day,  though  many  traders  come 
•"  on  board  ;  they  informed  us,  that  the 
<c  people  are  gone  to  war  within  land,  and 
&  will  bring  prifoners  enough  in  two  or 
«  three  days,  in  hopes  d£  which  we  ftay." 

The 


(  **?  ) 

The  30th.  "  No  trade  yet,  but  our  tra- 
**  ders  came  on  board  to  day,  and  informed 
c;  us  the  people  had  burnt' four  towns  of 
"  their  enemies,  fo  that  to-morrow  we  ex- 
•*  peel  flaves  off:  another  large  fliip  is  come 
«*  in.  Yeftei  day  came  in  a  large  Londoner ." 

The  31ft.-  "  Fair  weather,  but  no  trade 
"  yet ;  we  fee  each  night  towns  burning, 

*  but  we  hear  the  Seftro   men  are  many  of 
"  them  killed  by    the  inland   Negroes,  fo 

-**  that  we  fear  this  war  will  be  unfuccefs- 

*  ful." 

The  2d  of  January,  "  Laft  night  we  fa-w 
"  a  prodigious  fire  break  out  about  eleven 
cc  o'clock  ;  and  this  morning  fee  the  town 
"  of  Seftro  burnt  down  to  the  ground  ;  (it 
"  contained  fome  hundreds  of  houfes)fo  that 
"  we  find  their  enemies  are  too  hard  for 
"  them  at  prefent,  and  confequently  our 
"  trade  fpoiled  here  ;  therefore,  about  feven 
"  o'clock  we  weighed  anchor,  as  did  like- 
"  wife  the  three  other  veffels,  to  proceed 
"  lower  down." 

Thefecond  relation,  alfo  taken  from  the 
original  manufcript  Journal  of  a  perfon  of 
<  redit,  who  went  furgeon  on  the  fame  trade, 
inaveflel  from  New-York,  about  twenty 
years  paft,  is  as  follows ;  viz.  w  Being  on  the 
"  coaft,  the  Commander  of  the  veffel,  ac- 
ci  cording  to  cuitorn,  fent  a  perfon  on  fhore 
46  with  a  prefent  to  the  King,  acquainting 

"  him 


(   1M  ) 

44  him  with  his  arrival,  and  letting  him 
M  know,  they  wanted  a  cargo  of  flaves.  The* 
"  King  promifed  to  furniflu  them  with- 
4C  flaves  ;  and,  in  order  to  do  it,  fet  out  ta 
ic  go  to  war  againft  his  enemies ;  defigning 
"  to  furprife  fome  town,  and  take  all  the 
iC  people  prifoners  :  Some  time  after,  the 
"  king  fent  them  word,  he  had  not  yet  met 
"  with  the  defired  fuccefs ;  having  been 
"  twice  repulfed,  in  attempting  to  break  up 
44  two  towns  ;  but  that  he  ftill  hoped  to  pro- 
"  cure  a  number  oi  flaves  for  them  ;  and  in 
"  this  defign  he  perfifted  till  he  met  his  ene- 
"  mies  in  the  field  ;  where  a  battle  was 
ic  fought,  which  lafted  three  days,  during 
"  which  time  the  engagement  wasfo  bloody, 
"  that  four  thoufand  five  hundred  men 
*c  were  flain  on  the  fpot."  The  perfon  who 
wrote  the  account  beheld  the  bodies  as 
they  lay  on  the  field  of  battle.  "  Think 
"  (fays  he  in  his  Journal)  what  a  pitiable 
"  fight  it  was  to  fee  the  widows  weeping 
4i  over  their  loft  hufbands,  orphans  deplor- 
"  ing  the  lofs  of  their  fathers,  &c.  &c"  In 
the  6th  Vol.  of  Churchill's  collection  of  Voy- 
ages, page  219,  we  have  the  relation  of  a 
voyage  performed  by  Captain  Philips,  in  a 
fhipof45o  tuns,  along  the  coaft  of  Guinea, 
for  elephants  teeth,  gold,  and  Negro  flaves, 
intended  for  Barbadoes  ;  in  which  he  fays* 
that  they  took  "  feven  hundred   flaves  o?i 

"  board. 


(  til  ) 

'  board,  the  men  being  all  put  in  irons  two 

£<  by  two  fhackled  together  to  prevent  their 

6  mutinying  or  fvvimming  afhore.  That  the 

6  Negroes  are  fo  loath  to  leave  their   own 

"  country,  that  they  often  leap  out  of  the 

"  canoe,  boat,  or  (hip,  into  the  fea,  and  keep 

.  "  under  water  till  they  are  drowned  to  a- 

"  void  being  taken  up,  and  faved  by  the 

"  boats  which   purfue    them." — They 

had    about  twelve  Negroes   who  willingly 
-drowned  themfelves  ;  others  ftarved  them- 

felves  to  death. Philips    was    advifed 

to  cut  off  the  lesrs  and  arms  of  fome  to  ter- 

o 

rify  the  reft,  (as  other.  Captains  had  done) 
but  this  he  refufed  to>do  :  From  the  time  of 
his  taking  the  Negroes  an  board  too  his  ar- 
rival at  Barbadoes,  no  lefs  than  three  hun- 
dred and  twenty  died  of  various  difeafes.* 

Reader 

#    The  following  relation    is  infer  ted  at  the  requefi  of  tie 
Author^ 

THAT  I  may  contribute  all  in  my  power  towards 
the  Good  of  Mankind,  by  infpiring  any  indi- 
viduals with  a  fuitable  abhorrence  of  that  deteftablc 
practice  of  trading  in  our  fellow- creatures,  and  in 
fome  meafure  atone  for  my  neglect  of  duty  as  a 
Chriftian,  in  engaging  in  that  wicked  traffic,  I  offer 
vto  their  ferions  confideration  fome  few  occurrences 
of  which  I  was- an.  eye-witnefs.  That  being  flxuck 
with  the  wretched  and  affecting  fcene  they  may  foo- 
ter that  humane  principle,  which  is  th^  noble  and 
diftinguifhed  characteristic  of  man,  and  improve  rt 
to  the  benefit  of  their  children's  children.,  Abo  as 


(   ***  } 

Reader,  bring  the  matter  home  to  thy  own 
heart,  and  confider  whether  any  fituation  can 
be  more  completely  miferable  than  that    of 

theft 


About  the  year  1749,  I  failed  from  Liverpool  to- 
the  coafl  of  Guinea  :  Some  time  after  our  arrival  I 
was  ordered  to  go  up  the  country  a  confiderabls 
dillance ;  upon  having  notice  from  one  of  the  Ne- 
groe  Kings,  that  he  had  a  parcel  of  flaves  to  diipofe 
of ;  I  received  my  inftruetions,  and  went,  carrying 
with  me  an  account  of  fuch  goods  we  had  on  board 
to  exchange  for  the  flaves  we  intended  to  purchafe. 
Upon  being  introduced,  I  prefented  him  with  a 
fmall  cafe  of  EngHJb  fpirits,  a  gun,  and  fome  trifles, 
which  having  accepted,  and  underftood  by  an  In- 
terpreter what  goods  we  had,  the  next  day  was  ap- 
pointed for  viewing  the  flaves  ;  we  found  about  twa 
hundred  confined  in  one  place.  But  here  how  fhali 
I  relate  the  affecting  fight  I  there  beheld  !  How  can 
I  fufficiently  defcribe  the  filent  forrow  which  appear- 
ed in  the  countenance  of  the  afflicted  father,  and 
the  painful  anguiih  of  the  tender  mother,  expecting 
to  be  forever  feparated  from  their  tender  offspring; 
the  diitreiTed  maid  wringing  her  hands  in  prefage  of 
isr  future  wretchednefs,  and  the  genera]  cry  of  the 
-innocent  from  a  fearful  apprehenfion  of  the  perpetu- 
al flavery  to  which  they  were  doomed  !  Under  a 
fenfe  of  my  offence  to  God,  in  the  perfon  of  his 
creatures ;  I  acknowledge  I  purchafed  eleven,  who  I 
conducted  tyed,  two  and  two  to  the  fhip.  Being 
but  a  fmall  vefTel,  (ninety  ton)  we  fcon  purchafed 
our  cargo,  confiding  of  one  hundred  and  feventy 
flaves,  whom  thou  may'fl:  Reader  range  in  thy  view, 
as  they  were  fhackied  two  and  two  together,  pent  up 
within  the  narrow  confines  of  the  main  deck,  with  the 

complicated 


(  m  I 

thefe  diftreffed  captives.  When  we  refledr 
that  each  individual  of  this  number  had  pro- 
bably  fome  tender  attachment,  which  was 
broken  by  this  cruel  reparation  ;  fome  pa- 
rent or  wife  who  had  not  an  opportunity  oS 
mingling  tears  in  a  parting  embrace^  per-* 

haps* 

complicated  diftrefs-of  ficknefs,  chains  and  contempts  > 
deprived  of  every  fond  and  focial  tie,  and  in  a  great 
meafure  reduced  to  a  ftate  of.defperation.  We  had' 
not  been  a  fortnight  at  fea,  before  the  fatal  confer 
quence  of  this  deipair  appeared  ;  they  formeda  defign 
of  recovering  their  natural  right,  Liberty,  by  rif- 
ing  and  murdering  every  man  on  board,  but  the  good^ 
nefs  of  the  Almighty  rendered  their  fcheme.  abortive,, 
and  his  mercy  fpared  us  to  have  time  to  repent.  The 
plot  was  difcovered  ;  the  Ringleader  ty'd  by  the  two 
thumbs  over  the  barricade  door,  at  fun>rife  received 
a  number  of  lafhes*  in  this  fituation  he  remained  till 
fun-fet,  expofed  to  the  in f alts  and  barbarity  of  the 
brutal  crew  of  failors^  with  full  leave  to  exercife  their 
cruelty  at  pleafure.  The  confequenee  of  this  was,, 
that  next  morning  the  miferable  fufferer  was  found 
dead,  flead  from  the  fhoulders  to  the  waift.  The  next 
victim  was  a  youth,  who,  from  too  ftrong  a  fenfe  ef 
his  milery  refufed  nourishment,  and  died ;  difregard- 
ed  and  unnoticed,  till  the  hogs  had  fed  on  part  of  his 
flefli.  Will  not  Chriftianity  blufh  at  this  impious  fa- 
crilege  ?  May  the  relation  of  it  ferve  to  call  back  the 
ftruggling  remains  of  humanity,  in  the  hearts  of  thofe 
who  from  a  love  of  wealth,  partake  in  any  degree  of 
this  oppreiTive  gain,  and  have  fuch  an  effect  on  the 
minds  of  the  fincere,  as  may  be  productive  of  peaces 
the  happy  effect  of  true  repentance  for  paft  tranfgre (li- 
ons, and  a  refolution  to  renounce  all  connexion  with  ic 
for  the  time  to  come. 


C    r*4    1 

haps  feme  infants,  or  aged  parents,  whom 
his  labour  was  to  feed,  and  vigilance  protect; 
themfelves  under  the  moft  dreadful  appre- 
henflon  of  an  unknown  perpetual  flavery  ; 
confined  within  the  narrow  limits  of  a  vef- 
fel,  where  often  feveral  hundred  lie  as  clofe 
as  pollible  :  Under  thefe  aggravated  diftref- 
fes,  they  are  often  reduced  to  a  fiate  of 
dJfpair,  in  which  many  have  been 
frequently  killed  and  feme  deliberately, 
put  to  death  under  the  greateft  torture, 
when  they  have  attempted  to  rife  in  order 
to  free  themfelves  from  prefent  mifery  and 
the  flavery  defigned  them*.  Many  accounts 
of  this  nature  might  be  mertioned,  indeed 
from  the  vail  number  of  veffels  employed  in 
the  trade,  and  the  repeated  relations  in  the 
public  prints  of  Negroes  riling  on  board  the 
veffeis  from  Guinea,  its  more  than  probable 
that  many  fuch  inftances  occur  every  year. 
I  fhall  only  mention  one  example  of  this 
kind,  by  which  the  reader  may  judge  of 
the  reft  ;  its  in  Aitley's  Colleftion  2  vol. 
p.  449,  .related  by  John  Atkins,  furgeon  on 
board  Admiral  Ogle's  fquadron,  of  one 
"  Harding,  mailer  of  a  veffel  in  which  feve- 
"  ral  of  the  men  Haves  and  a  woman  flave 
"  had  attempted  to  rife,  in  order  to  recover 
"  their  liberty  ;  fome  of  whom  the  matter, 
*  of  his  o\v;;  authority,  fentenced  to  cruel 
"  death,  making  them  firft  cat  the  heart 

"  and 


I    *fi   T 

€*  and  liver  of  one  of  thofe  he  had  killed 
4C  The  woman  he  hoifted  by  the  thumbs, 
"  whipped  and  flafhed  with  knives  before 
"  the  other  flaves   till  fee  died."*     As  de~ 

teftable 

#  A  memorable  inftance  of  fome  of  the  dreadful  eP 
feds  of  the  flave- trade,  happened  about  five  years  pail, 
on  a  fhip  from  this  port,  then  at  anchor  about  three; 
miles  from  {tore,  near  Acra  Fort,  on  the  coaft  of  Gui^ 
jiea.  They  had  purchafed  between  four  and  five  hun- 
dred Negroes,  and  were  ready  to  fail  for  the  Weft- 
Indies.  Its  cuftomary  on  board  thofe  veffels  to  keep 
the  men  fhackled  two  by  two,  each  by  one  leg  to  a 
fmall  iron  bar ;  thefe  are  every  day  brought  on  the 
deck,  for  the  benefit  of  air,  and  leaft  they  fhould  at- 
tempt to  recover  their  freedom,  they  are  made  faft  to 
two  common  chains,  which  are  extended  on  each  fide 
the  main  deck  :  The  women  and  children  are  36ofe. 
This  was  the  fituation  of  the  flaves  onboard  this  vefi 
fel,  when  it  took  fire,  by  means  of  a  perfon  who  was 
drawing  fpirits  by  the  light  of  a  la™p  ;  the  cafk  burft- 
ing,  the  fire  fpfead  withfo  much  violence,  that  in  a- 
bout  ten  minutes,  the  failors  apprehending  it  impoflP 
ble  to  extinguish  it,  before  it  could  reach  a  large 
quantity  of  powder  they  had  on  board,  concluded  it 
neceffary  to  caft  themfelves  into  the  fea,  as  the  only 
chance  of  faving  their  lives  ;  and  firft,  they  endea- 
voured to  loofe  the  chains  by  which  the  Negroe  men 
were  faftened  to  the  deck,  but  in  the  confufion  the  key 
being  mi  fling,  they  had  butjuft  time  to-  loofe  one  of 
the  chains  by  wrenching  the  ftaple;  when  the  vehe- 
mence of  the  fire  fo  encreafed,  that  they  all,  but  one 
man,  jumped  over  board,  when  immediately  the  five 
having  gained  the  powder,  the  veffel  blew  up  with  all 
the  fiaves  who  remained. faftened  to  the  one  chain,  and; 

fach- 


[       126       J 

teftable  and  Shocking  as  this  may  appear,, 
to  fuch  whofe  hearts  are  not  yet  hardened 
by  the  practice  of  that  cruelty,  which  the 
love  of  wealth  by  degrees  introduceth  into" 
the  human  mind  ;  it  will  not  be  ftrange.  to1 
thole  who  have  been  concerned  or  employed 
in  the  trade. 

Now  here  arifes  a  necefiary  qu^ery  to  thofe 
who  hold  the  balance  of  juftice,  and  who 
muft  be  accountable  to  God  for  the  life  they 
have  made  of  it ;  that  as  the  principles  on 
which  the  Britifh  conftitution  is  founded,, 
are  fo  favourable  to  the  common  rights  of 
mankind,  how  it  has  happened  that  the  laws 
which  countenance  this  iniquitous  traffic, 
have  obtained  the  fanction  of  the  legislature  j 
and  that  the  executive  part  of  the  govern- 
ment fliould  fo  long  Aiut  their  ears  to  con- 
tinual 


fuch  others  as  had  not  followed  the  faiiors  examples. 
There  happened  to  be  three  Portuguefe  veffels  in  fight, 
who,  with  others  from  the  fhore,  putting  out  their 
boats,  took  up  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  of  thole 
poor  fouls  who  remained  alive  ;  of  which  number  about 
fifty  died  on  fhore,  being  moftly  of  thole  who  v. tie 
"were  fettered  together  by  iron  (hackles,  which  as  they 
jumped  into  the  fea,  had  broke  their  legs,  and  thefe 
fractures  being  inflamed,  by  fo  long  a  (truggle  in  the 
fea  probably  mortified,  which  occaiionei  the  death  of 
every  one  that  was  fo  wounded.  The  two  hundred  re- 
maining alive,  were  foon  difpofed  of,  for  account  of 
the  owners  to  other  purchasers. 


c  127  : 

tinual  reports  of  the  barbarities  perpetrated 
againft  this  unhappy  people,  and  leave  the 
trading  fubje&s  at  liberty  to  trample  on  the 
moft  precious  rights  of  others,  even  with- 
out a  rebuke.  Why  are  the  matters  of  vef- 
fels  thus  fuffered  to  be  the  fovereign  arbiters 
of  the  lives  of  the  miferable  Negroes,  and  al- 
lowed with  impunity,  thus  to  deftroy  (may 
I  not  properly  fay  to  murder)  their  fellow 
.creatures,  and  that  by  means  fo  cruel,  as 
cannot  be  even  related  but  with  ihame  and 
;Jiprror» 


CHAP. 


[     12B     ] 


CHAP.    XIII. 

Ufage  of  the  Negroes,  when  they 

arrive  in  the  Weft-Indies.  An  hundred 
thoufand  Negroes  brought  from  Guinea 
every  year  to  the  Englifh  Colonies.  The 
number  of  Negroes  who  die  in  the  paffage 
and  feafoning.  Thefe  are,  properly  fpeak- 
ing,  murdered  by  the  profecution  of  this 
infamous  traffic:  Remarks  on  its  dreadful 
effefts  and  tendency. 

WHEN  the  veflels  arrive  at  their  de- 
flined  port  in  the  colonies,  the  poor 
Negroes  are  tobedifpofed  off  to  the  .plant- 
ers, and  here  they  are  again  expofed  naked, 
without  any  diftinction  of  fexes,  to  the  bru- 
tal examination  of  their  purchafers  ;  and 
this,  it  may  well  be  judged,  is  to  many  an- 
other occafion  of  deep  diftrefs.  Add  to  this, 
that  near  connections  muft  now  again  be  fe- 
parated  to  go  with  their  feveral  purchafers^ 
this  muft  be  deeply  affecting  to  all,  but  fuch 
whofe  hearts  are  feared  by  the  love  of  gain. 
Mothers  are  feen  hanging  over  their  daugh- 
ters, bedewing  their  naked  breafts  with 
tears,  and  daughters  clinging  to  their  pa- 
rents, 


[  129  1 
rents,  not  knowing  what  new  ftage  of  dif* 
trefs  muft  follow  their  feparatien,  or  whe- 
ther they  fhall  ever  meet  again.  And  here 
what  fympathy  !  What  commiferation  do 
they  meet  with  !  Why,  indeed,  if  they  will 
not  feparate  as  readily  as  their  owners  think 
proper,  the  Whipper  is  called  for,  and  the 
lafh  is  exercifed  upon  their  naked  bodies, 
till  obliged  to  part.  Can  any  human  heart, 
v/hich  is  not  become  callous  by  the  praclife 
of  fuch  cruelties,  be  unconcerned,  even  at 
the  relation  of  fuch  grievous  affliction,  to 
which  this  opprefledpart  of  our  fpecies  are 
fubjeded. 

In  a  book   printed   in  Liverpool,  called, 
The   Liverpool  Memorandum^  which  contains 
amongft  other  things,  an  account  of  the 
trade  of  that  port,  there  is  an  exact  lift    of 
the  veflels  employed  in  the  Guinea  trade, 
and  of  the  number  of  flaves  imported  in  each 
veflel ;  by  which  it  appears,  that  in  the  year 
1753,  tke  number  imported  to  America  by 
one  hundred  and  one  veflels  belonging  to 
that  port,  amounted  to  upwards  of  thirty 
thoufand,  and  from  the  number  of  vefiels 
employed  by  the  African  company,  in  Lon- 
don   and  Briftol,  we  may,  with  fome  de- 
gree of  certainty,  conclude,  there  are  one 
Hundred  thoufand  Negroes  purchafed   and 
brought  on  board  our  fhips  yearly  from  the 
coaft  of  Africa.  This  is  confirmed  in  Ander- 

N  fon's 


r  ?3*  i 

ibn'shiftory  of  Trade  and  Commerce,  late- 
ly printed  j  where  it  is  faid,*  "  that  Eng- 
"  land  fupplies  her  American  colonies  with 
M  Negroe  flaves,  amounting  in  number  to 
"  above  one  hundred  thoufand  every  year." 
When  the  veffels  are  full  freighted  with 
flaves,  they  fail  for  our  plantations  in  Ame- 
rica, and  may  be  two  or  three  months  in  the 
voyage,  during  which  time,  from  the  filth 
and  {tench  that  is  among  them,  diftempers 
frequently  break  out,  which  carry  off  com- 
monly a  fifth,  a  fourth,  yea  fometimes  a 
third  or  more  of  them  :  fo  that  taking  all  the 
flaves  together,  that  are  brought  on  board 
our  fhips  yearly,  one  may  reafonably  fup- 
pofe  that  atleaft  ten  thoufand  of  them  die  on 
the  voyage.  And  in  a  printed  account  of 
the  ftate  of  the  Negroes,  in  our  plantations, 
it  is  fuppofed  that  a  fourth  part  more  or  lefs 
die  at  the  different  iflands,  in  what  is  called 
the  feafoning.  Hence  it  may  be  prefumed, 
that  at  a  moderate  computation  of  the  flaves 
who  are  purchafed  by  our  African  mer- 
chants in  a  year,  near  thirty  thoufand  difc 
•upon  the  voyage  and  in  the  feafoning.  Add 
to  this,  the  prodigious  number  who  are 
•killed  in  the  incuriions  and  inteftine  wars, 
by  which  the  Negroes  procure  the  number 
of  flaves  wanted  to  load  the  veffels.     How 

dreadful 
_  .-■■-■        . .     • 

•  Appendix  to  Aadcrfon"'*  Hiftory,  page  63. 


t    Hi    I 

dreadful  then  is  this  ilave-trade,  whereby 
fo  many  thoufands  of  our  fellow  creatures, 
free  by  nature,  endued  with  the  fame  rati- 
onal faculties,  and  called  to  be  heirs  of  the 
fame  falvation  with  us,  lofe  their  lives,  and 
are  truly  and  properly  fpeaking  murdered 
every  year;  for  it  is  not  neceffary  in  order 
to  convict  a  man  of  murder,  to  make  it  ap- 
pear, that  he  had  an  intention  to  commit 
murder.  Whoever  does,  by  unjuft  force  or 
violence,  deprive  another  of  his  liberty,  and 
while  he  hath  him  in  his  power,  continues 
fo  to  opprefs  him,  by  cruel  treatment  as  e- 
ventually  to  occafion  his  death,  is  actually 
guilty  of  murder.  It  is  enough  to  make 
a  thoughtful  perfon  tremble,  to  think  what 
a  load  of  guilt  lies  upon  our  nation  on  thjs 
account,  and  that  the  blood  of  thoufands  of 
poor  innocent  creatures  murdered  every 
year  in  the  profecution  of  this  wicked  trade, 
cries  aloud  to  Heaven  for  vengeance.  Were 
we  to  hear  or  read  of  a  nation  that  deftroye^ 
every  year,  in  fome  other  way,  as  many 
human  creatures  as  perifh  in  this  trade,  we 
ihould  certainly  conuder  them  as  a  very 
bloody  barbarous  people.  If  it  be  alledged, 
that  the  legislature  hath  encouraged  and 
Hill  does  encourage  this  trade.  It  is  anfvver- 
ed,  that  no  legislature,  on  earth,  can  alter  the 
nature  of  things,  fo  as  to  make  that  to  be 
eight  which  is  contrary  to  the  law  of  God, 
N  2  th<? 


(     »'J*    ) 

the  fupreme  legiflator  and  governor  of  the 
the  world,  and  oppofeth  the  promulgation 
of  the  gofpel  of  peace  on  earth?  and  good  will 
to  man.  Injuftice  may  be  methodized  and 
eftablifhed  by  law,  but  ftill  it  will  be  injuftice 
as  much  as  it  was  before,  though  its  being 
fo  eftablifhed,  may  render  men  more  infenfl- 
ble  of  the  guilt,  and  more  bold  and  fecure 
in  the  perpetration  of  it. 


CHAP.    XIV. 
Obfervations  on    the     difpofitioa 

and  capacity  of  the  Negroes :  Why 
thought  inferior  to  that  of  the  Whites; . 
Affecting  inftances  of  the  flavery  of  the 
Negroes.     Reflexions  thereon. 

DOUBTS  may  arife  in  the  minds  of 
of  fome,  whether  the  foregoing  ac- 
counts relating  to  the  natural  capacity  and 
good  difpofition  of  the  inhabitants  of  Gui- 
nea, and  of  the  violent  manner  in  which 
they  are  faid  to  be  torn  from  their  native 
land,  is  to  be  depended  upon  on  j  as  thofs 

Negroes* 


(     *33    ) 

Negroes,  who  are  brought  to  us,  are  not 
heard  to  complain,  nor  do  but  feldom  ma- 
nifeft  fuch  a  docility  and  quicknefs  of  parts, 
as  is  agreeable  thereto.  But  thofewho  make 
thefe  objections,  are  delired  to  note  the  ma- 
ny difcouragements  the  poor  Africans  labour 
under  when  brought  from  their  native  land. 
Let  them  confider,  that  thofe  affli&ed  ftran- 
gers,  though  in  an  enlightened '  Chriftian  coun- 
try',  have  yet  but  little  opportunity  or  en- 
couragement to  exert  and  improve  their  na^ 
tural  talents  :  They  are  conftantly  employed 
in  fervile  labour,  and  the  abje<5t  condition  in 
which  we  fee  them,  naturally  raifes  an  idea 
of  a  fuperiority  in  ourfelves  ;  whence  we  are 
apt  to  look  upon  them  as  an  ignorant  and 
contemptible  part  of  mankind .  Add  to  this, 
that  they  meet  with  very  little  encourage- 
ment of  freely  converiing  with  fuch  of  the 
Whites,  as  might  impart  inftru£Uon  to  them. 
It  is  a  fondnefs  for  wealth,  for  authority  or 
honour  which  prompts  moft  men,  in  their 
endeavours  to  excel ;  but  thefe  motives  can 
have  little  influence  upon  the  minds  of  the 
Negroes;  few  of  them  having  any  reafon- 
able  profpecl  of  any  other  than  a  ftate  of  fla- 
very  ;  fo  that,  though  their  natural  capaci- 
ties were  ever  fo  good,  they  have  neither  in- 
ducement or  opportunity  to  exert  them  to 
advantage  :  This  naturally  tends  to  deprefs 
their  minds*  and  fink  their  fpirits  into  ha- 
N  3  bits 


(  134  3 
bits  of  idlenefs  and  floth,  which  they  would ^ 
in  all  likelihood,  have  been  free  from,  had 
they  flood  upon  an  equal  footing  with 
the  white  people.  They  are  fuffered,  with 
impunity,  to  cohabit  together,  without  be- 
ing married,  and  to  part,  when  folemnly  en- 
gaged to  one  another  as  man  and  wife ; 
notwithftanding  the  moral  and  religious 
Jaws  of  the  land,  ftrictly  prohibiting  fuch 
practices.  This  naturally  tends  to  beget  ap- 
preheniion  in  the  moft  thoughtful  of  thole 
people,  that  we  look  upon  them  as  a  lower 
race,  not  worthy  of  the  fame  care,  nor  liable 
to  the  fame  rewards  and  punifhments  as  our- 
ielves.  Neverthelefs  it  may  with  truth  be 
faid,  that  both  amongft  thofe  who  have  ob- 
tained their  freedom,  and  thofe  who  re- 
main in  fervitude,  fome  have  manifefted  a 
ftrong  fagacity  and  an  exemplary  upright- 
nefs  of  heart.  If  this  hath  not  been  gene- 
rally the  cafe  with  them,  is  it  a  matter  of  fur- 
prize  ?  Have  we  not  reafon  to  make  the 
iame  complaint  of  many  white  fcrvants, 
when  difcharged  from  our  fervice,  though 
many  of  them  have  had  much  greater  op- 
portunities of  knowledge  and  improvement 
than  the  blacks  ;  who  even,  when  free,  la- 
bour under  the  fame  difficulties  as  before, 
having  but  little  accefs  to,  and  intercourfe 
with  the  moft  reputable  white  people  ;  they 
remain  confined  within  their  former  limits 

of 


(  *35  ) 
of  converfation.  And  if  they  feldom  com- 
plain of  the  unjuft  and  cruel  ufage  they  have 
received  in  being  forced  from  their  native 
country,  &c*  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  j 
it  being  a  confiderable  time  after  their  arrival 
amongft  us,  before  they  can  fpeak  our  lan- 
guage ;  and,  by  the  time  they  are  able  to 
exprefs  themfelves,  th^y  have  great  reafon 
to  believe,  that  little  or  no  notice  would  be 
taken  of  their  complaints,  yet  let  any  per- 
fon  enquire  of  tliofe  who  were  capable  of  re- 
flection before  they  were  brought  from  their 
native  land,  and  he  will  hear  fuch  affe&ing 
relations,  which,  if  not  loft  to  the  common 
feelings  of  humanity,  willfenfibly  affect  his 
heart.  The  cafe  of  a  poorNegroe,  not  long 
lince  brought  from  Guinea,  is  a  recent  in- 
ftance  of  this  kind.  From  his  firft  arrival, 
he  appeared  thoughtful  and  dejefted,  fre- 
quently dropping  tears  when  taking  notice 
of  his  mailer's  children,  the  caufe  of  which 
was  not  known  till  he  was  able  to  fpeak  En- 
glifh,  when  the  account  he  gave  of  himfelf 
was,  u  That  he  had  a  wife  and  children  in 
"  his  own  country  \  that  fottie  of  thcfe  be- 
"  ing  lick  and  thirfty,  he  went,  in  the  night 
"  time,  to  fetch  water  at  a  fpring,  where 
¥  he  was  violently  feized  and  carried  away 
f€  by  perfons,  who  lay  in  wait  to  catch  men, 
"  from  whence  he  was  tranfported  to  Ame- 
"  rica.     The  remembrance    of  his  family, 

friends 


(    Hf  ) 

'E  friends  and  other  connections-,  left  behind^, 
"  which  he  never  expected  to  fee  any  more, 
"  were  the  principal  caufe  of  his  dejection 
"  and  grief."  Many  cafes  equally  affecting 
might  be  here,  mentioned,  but  one  more  in- 
flate which  fell  under  the  notice  of  a  per- 
fon  of  credit  will  fuffice.  One  of  thefe  wretch- 
ed creatures,  then  about  50  years  of  age, 
informed  him,  "  That  being  violently  torn 
"  from  a  wife  and  feveral  children  in  Gui- 
"  nea,  he  was.fold  in  Jamaica,  where  never 
"  expeding  to  fee  his  native  land  or  family 
"  any  more,  he  joined  himfelf  to  a  Negroe 
"  woman,  by  whom  he  had  two  children  ; 
"  after  fome  years,  it  fuiting  the  intereft 
"  of  his  owner  to  remove  him,  he  was  fe- 
"  parated  from  this  fecond  wife  and  child* 
"  ren,  and  brought  to  South-Carolina, 
'  where,  expecting  to  fpend  the  remainder 
of  his  days,  he  engaged  with  a  third  wife, 
by  whom  he  had  another  child  ;  but  here 
the  fame  confequence  of  one  man.  being 
fubjed  to  the  .will  and  pleafure  of  another 
"  man  occurring,  he  was  feparated  from 
*'  this  laft  wife  and  child,  and  brought  in- 
*'  this  country,  where  be  remained  a  ilave. 
Canany,whofemindisnot  rendered  quite 
obdurate  by  the  love  of  wealth,  hear  thefe 
relations,  without  being  deeply  touched 
with  fympathy  and  forrow  j  and  doubt- 
iefs  the  cafe  of  many,\ery  many  of  thefe  af- 
*  '  Aided 


a 


a 


[  r-37  1 
flicled  people,  upon  enquiry  would  be  found 
to  be  attended  with  circumftances  equally 
tragical  and  aggravating.  And,  if  we  en- 
quire ofthofe  Negroes  who  were  brought 
away  from  their  native  country  when  child- 
ren, we  fliall  find  moil  of  them  to  have  been 
llolen  away  when  abroad  from  their  pa- 
rents, on  the  roads,  in  the  woods,  or  watch- 
ing their  corn-fields.  Now,  you  that  have 
fiudied  the  book  of  confeience,  and  you 
that  are  learned  in  the  law,  what  will  you 
fay  to  fuch  deplorable  cafes.  When,  and 
how  have  theie  oppreffed  people  forfeited 
their  liberty  ?  Does  not  juftice  loudly  call 
for  its  being  reftored  to  them  ?  Have  they 
not  the  fame  right  to  demand  it  as  any  of  us 
fhould  have,. if  we  had  been  violently  fnatcK- 
ed  by  Pyrates  from  our  native  land  ?  Is  it 
not  the  duty  of  every  difpenfer  of  juftice, 
whois  not  forgetful  of  his  own  humanity, 
to  remember,  that  thefe  are  men,  and  to  de- 
clare them  free  ?  Where  inltances  of  fuch 
cruelty  frequently  occur,  and  are  neither 
enquired  into,  nor  redreifed  by  thofewhofe 
duty  it  is*  to fe.ek  judgment \  and  relieve  the  op** 
prejed,  Ifaiahi.  17.  What  can  be  expected 
but  that  the  groans  and  cries  of  thefe  fuffer/- 
ers  will  reach  Heaven,  and  what  fliall  we  do 
when  God  rifeth  up  and  when  he  vifitethj  What 
will  ye  anfwer  him  ?  Did  not  he  that  made 
tJiem,  make,  us  ^  and  4id,mt  one  faflnon  us  in 
the.vjomb.     Job  xxxi.  14.  CHAP., 


<3< 


C  H    A   P.     XIV. 

The    Expediency     of   a    general 

freedom  being  granted  to  the  Negroes 
confidered.  Reafons  why  it  might  be  pro- 
ductive of  advantage  zndfafety  to  the  Co- 
lonies. 

IT  is  fcarce  to  be  devoted,  but  that  the 
foregoing  accounts  will  beget  in  the' 
heart  of  the  considerate  readers,  an  earneft 
defire  to  fee  a  flop  put  to  this  complicated 
evil,  but  the  objection  with  many  is,  What 
fhall  be  done  with  thofe  Negroes  already 
imported  and  born  in  our  families  i  Mult 
they  be  fen  t  to  Africa?  That  would  be  to 
f  xpofe  them  in  a  ftrange  land  to  greater  dif- 
ficulties than  many  of  them  labour  under  at 
■prefent-  To  fet  them  fuddenly  free  here, 
■would  be,  perhaps,  attended  with  no  lets 
difficulty  ;  for  undisciplined  as  they  are  in 
religion  and  virtue,  they  might  give  a  loofe 
to  thofe  evil  habits,  which  the  fear  of  a  m  af- 
ter would  have  retrained*  Thefe  are  objec- 
tions wThich  weigh  with  many  well  difpofed 
people,  and  it  muft  be  granted  thefe  are  dif- 
ficulties in  the  way  j  »or  can   any  general 

change 


(  J39  ) 
change  be  made  or  reformation  effe&ed 
without  fome ;  but  the  difficulties  are  not 
fo  great  but  that  they  may  be  .furmounted. 
If  the  government  was  fo  confiderate  of  the 
iniquity  and  danger  attending  on  this  prac- 
tice as  to  be  willing  to  feek  a  remedy,  doubt- 
lefs,  the  Almighty  would  blefs  this  good 
intention,  and  fuch  methods  would  be 
thought  of,  as  would  not  only  put  an  end 
to  the  unjuil  oppreilion  of  the  Negroes,  but 
might  bring  them  under  regulations  that 
would  enable  them  to  become  profitable 
members  of  fociety.  For  the  furtherance  of 
which,  the  following  propofals  are  offered 
to  coniideration ;  to  be  improved  by  thofe 
in  whofe  power  it  is  to  remedy  this  mighty 
evil.  In  the  firlt  place,  let  all  farther  impor- 
tation of  Haves  be  abfolutely  prohibited,  and 
as  to  thofe  already  purchafed,  or  born  among 
us,  after  ferving  fo  long  as  fhall  be  adequate 
to  the  money  paid,  or  the  charge  of  bring- 
ing Jthem  up,  which  may  be  decided  by  courts 
of  juitice,  let  them  by  law  be  declared  free. 
Let  every  Have  thus  fet  free,  be  enrolled  in 
the  county  couris,  and  obliged  to  be  a  re- 
fident  daring  acei  tain  number  of  years  with- 
in the  laid  county,  under  the  care  of  the 
overleers  of  the  poor.  Thus  being,  in  fome 
■fort,  itiii  under  the  direction  of  governors 
and  the  notice  of  thofe  who  were  formerly 
acquainted  with  them,  they  would  be  oblig- 
ed 


(  M°  ) 
ed  to  act  the  more  circumfpe&ly,  and  maTce 
proper  ufe  of  their  liberty,  and  their  child- 
ren would  have  an  opportunity  of  obtaining 
fuch  inftru&ion  as  is  neceffary  to  the  com- 
mon occafionsof  life,  and  thus  both  parents 
and  children  might  gradually  become  ufeful 
members  of  the  community.  And  further, 
where  the  nature  of  the  country  would  per- 
mit as  certainly  the  uncultivated  condition 
of  our  fouthern  and  moft  weftern  colonies 
eafily  would  ;  fuppofe  a  fmall  tract  of  land 
were  afligned  to  every  Negroe  family,  and 
they  obliged  to  live  upon  and  improve  it, 
(when  not  hired  out  to  work  for  the  white 
people)  this  would  encourage  them  to  exert 
rheir  abilities  and  become  induftrious  fub- 
jecls.  Hence  both  planters  and  tradefmen 
would  be  plentifully  fupplied  with  chearfufr 
and  willing  minded  labourers,  much  vacant 
land  wrould  be  cultivated  ;  the  produce  of 
the  country  be  juftly  encreafed  ;  the  taxes 
for  the  fupport  of  government  leffened,  to 
individuals  by  the  encreafe  of  taxables.  And 
the  Negroes,  inftead  of  being  an  object  of 
Terror*,  as  they  certainly  muft  be  to  the  go- 
vernments 
^*  -  !■ 

*  The  hard  ufage  the  Negroes  meet  with  in  the 
plantations,  and  the  great  difproportion  between  them 
and  the  white  people,  will  always  be  a  juft  caufe  of 
terror  In  Jamaica  andfome  parts  of  South-Caroli- 
ea,  it  is  fuppoied  that  there  are  fifteen  blacks  to  one 
white. 


C    Mi    ) 
vernments  where  their  numbers  are  great, 
would  become  interefted  in  their  fafety  and 
welfare. 


CHAP.    XV. 

Anfwer  to  a  miftaken  opinion,  that 

the  warmth  of  the  climate  in  the  Weft- 
Indies  will  not  permit  white  people  to  la- 
bour there.  No  complaint  of  difability 
in  the  whites  in  that  refpect  in  the  fettle- 
ment  of  theiflands.  Idlenefs  and  difeafes 
..  prevailed  as  the  ufe  of  flaves  encreafed* 
The  great  advantage  which  might  accrue 
to  the  Britifh  nation,  if  the  flave  trade 
was  entirely  laid  afide,  and  a  fair  and 
friendly  commerce  eftablifhed  through, 
the  whole  coaft  of  Africa. 

IT  is  frequently  offered  as  an  argument 
in  vindication  of  the  ufe  of  Negroe  flaves* 
That  the  warmth  of  the  climate  in  the  Weft 
Indies,  will  not  permit  white  people  to  la- 
bour in  the  culture  of  the  land  ;  but  upon 
an  acquaintance  with  the  nature  of  the  cli- 
mate, and  its  effe&s  upon  fuch  labouring 
O  white: 


(  *fr  1 

white  people  as  are  prudent  and  moderate 
in  labour  and  the  ufe  of  fpirituous  liquors^ 
this  will  be  found  to  be  a  miftaken  opinion* 
Thofe  iflands  were,  at  firft,  wholly  cultivat- 
ed by  white  men  ;  the  encouragement  they 
then  met  with  for  a  long  courfe  of  years 
was  fuch  as  occafioned  a  great  encreafe  of 
people.  Richard  Ligon,  in  his  hiftory  of 
Barbadoes,  where  he  rciided  from  the  year 
1647  to  16505  about  24  years  after  itfrfirfi 
fettlement,  writes,  "  that  there  was  thea 

*  fifty  thoufand  fouls  on   that   ifland,  be- 

*  fides  Negroes ;  and  that  though  the  wea- 
cl  ther  was  very  hot,  yet  not  io  fcalding,. 
"  but    that    fervants,  both  Chiiftians   and 

*  flaves  laboured  ten  hours  a  day."  By 
cither  accounts  we  gather,  that  the  white 
people  have  fince  decreafed  to  lefs  than  one 
half  the  number  which  was  there  at  that 
time ;  and  by  relations  of  the  firft  fettle- 
ftients  of  the  other  iflands,  we  do  not  meet 
with  any  complaints  of  unfitnefs  in  the  white 
people  for  labour  there,  before  flaves  were 
introduced.  The  ifland  of  Hifpaniola,  which 
is  one  ofthelargeft  of  thofe  iflands,  was  at 
firft  planted  by  the  Bucaneers,  a  fet  of  har- 
dy laborious  men,  who  1  continued  io  for  a 
long  courfe  of  years,  till  following  the  ex- 
ample of  their  neighbours  in  the  purchafe 
and  ufe  of  Negroe  Slaves,  idlenefs  and  ex- 
cefs  prevailing,  debility  and  difeafe  aatural- 

l7 


(  M3  > 
ly  fueceeded,  and  have  ever  fince  conti^ 
nued.  If,  under  proper  regulations,  liber- 
ty was  proclaimed  through  the  colonies,  the 
Negroes,  from  a  dangerous  grudging  half 
fed  flaves,  might  become  able  willing  mind- 
ed Labourers*  And  if  there  was  not  a  fuffi- 
cient  number  of  thefe  t^  do>  the  neceffary 
work,  a  competent  number  of  labouring 
people  might  be  procured  from  Europe, 
which  affords  numbers  of  poor  diftreffed  ob- 
jects, wha>  if  not  overlooked,  with  proper 
ufage,  might,  in  feveral  refpects,  better  an- 
fwer  every  good  purpofe  in  performing  the 
neceffary  labour  in  the  iflands  than  the  flaves 
now  do* 

A  farther  confiderable  advantage  might 
accrue  to  the  Britifh  nation  in  general,  if 
the  flave  trade  was  laid  afide,  by  the  cultiva- 
tion of  a  fair,  friendly  and  humane  com- 
merce with  the  Africans,  without  which 
it  is  not  poffible  the  inland  trade  of  that 
country  fhould  ever  be  extended  to  the  de- 
gree it  is  capable  of;  for  while  the  fpirit  of 
butchery  and  making  flaves  of  each  other 
is  promoted  by  the  Europeans  amongft  the 
Negroes,  no  mutual  confidence  can  take 
place ;  nor  will  the  Europeans  be  able  to 
travel  with  fafety  into  the  heart  of  their 
country  to  form  and  cement  fuch  commer- 
cial friendfhips  and  alliances  as  might  be 
neceffary  to  introduce  the  arts  and  fciences 

amongft 


(  x44  ) 
amongft  them,  and  engage  their  attention: 
to  inftruciion  in  the  principles  of  the  Chri- 
ftian  religion,  which  is  the  only  fure  foun- 
dation of  every  focial  virtue.  Africa  has  a- 
bout  ten  tho-ufand  miles  of  fea  coaft,  and 
extends  in  depth  near  three  thoufand  miles 
from  e^ft  to  weft,  and  as  much  from  north 
to  fouth  ;  ftored  with  vaft  treafures  of  mate- 
rials neceflary  for  the  trade  and  manufac- 
tures of  Great-Britain,  and  from  its  climate 
and  the  fruitfulnefs  of  its  foil,  capable,  un- 
der proper  management,  of  producing,  in 
the  greateft  plenty,  moft  of  the  commodities 
which  are  imported  into  Europe  from  thofe 
parts  of  America  fubjecl  to  the  Englifh  Go- 
vernment,^* and  as  in  return  they  would 
take  our  manufactures,  the  advantages  of 
this  trade  would  foon  become  fo  great, 
that  it  is  evident  this  fubjeft  merits  -the  re- 
gard and  attention  of  the  government, 

•  See  note  page,  109. 


EXTRACT 

FROM       A 

^,     REPRESENTATION 

OF       THE 

IN    JUSTICE 
A 

AND 

DANGEROUS     TENDENCY 

OF      TOLERATING 

SLAVERY, 

O  R 

Admitting  the  leaft  Claim  of  private  Pro- 
perty in  the  Perfons  of  Men  in  England, 

By       GRANVILLE     SHARP. 

LONDON:     Printed  M DCCLXIX. 

PHILADELPHIA:  Re-printed  by  Joseph  Cruk- 
jhank,  in  Third-ftreet,  oppofxte  the Work-iioufe. 
M  DCC  LXXI. 


CONTENTS. 

The    occafion    of  this   Treatr 
All  Perfons  during   their  refidsnce 
in  Great-Britain  arefubjetls ;  and  as 

fuch,  bound  to  the  laws  and  under 
the  Kings prote&ion.  By  the  Eng- 
lijlo  laws,  no  man,  of  -what  condition 

foever,  to  be  imprifoned,  or  any  way 
deprived  of  his  Liberty  without  a 
legal procefs.  The  danger  of  Sla- 
very taking  place  in  England.  Pre- 
vails in  the  Northern  Colonies,  not' 
tvithftanding  the  people  s  plea  in  fa- 
vour of 'Liberty '.  Advertifements  in 
the  New-York  Journal  for  the  f ale 
of  Slaves.     Advertifements  to  the 

famepurpofe  in  the  public. prints  in 
England.  The  danger  of  confining 
any  perfon  without  a  legal  warrant, 
lnftances  of  that  nature.  Note. 
Ext  rati  of  fever  al  American  law 
Refections  thereon. 


EXTRACT,    &c. 


SOME  perfons  refpeclable  in  the  law, 
having  given  it  as  their  opinion, 
u  That  a  /lave ,  by  coming  from  the  Weft-Indies 
"  to  Great-Britain  or  Ireland,  either  with  or 
"  without  his  mafter,  doth  not  become  free,  or 
u  that  his  mafter fs  property  or  right  in  him  is 

*'  not    thereby  determined  or  varied; and 

"  that  the  mafter  may  legally  compel  him  to  re- 

"  turn    again  to    the  plantations" This 

caufes  our  Author  to  remark,  that  thefe 
Lawyers,  by  thus  ftating  the  cafe,  merely 
on  one  fide  of  the  queftion,  (I  mean  in  fa- 
vour of  the  mafter)  have  occafioned  an  un- 
juft  prefumption  and  prejudice,  (plainly  in- 
con  fiftent  with  the  laws  of  the  realm)  and  a- 
gainft  the  other  fide  of  the  queftion  ;  as 
they  have  not  fignified  that  their  opinion 
was  only  conditional  and  not  abfolute,  and 
muft  be  underftood  on  the  part  of  the  maf- 
ter, "  that  he  can  produce  an  authentic  agree- 
ment 6r  contrad  in  writing,  by  which  it  jbatl 
appear,  that  thefaidflave  hath  voluntary  bound 
him/elf  without  compuljion  or  illegal  durefs" 
Page  5.  Indeed  there  are  many  inftances  of 
perfons  being  freed  from  flavery  by  the  laws 

of 


(    4    ) 

of  England,  but  (God  be  thanked)  there  is 
neither  law  nor  even  a  precedent,  (at  leaft  I 
have  not  been  able  to  find  one)  of  a  legal 
determination  to  juftify  a  matter  in  claim- 
ing or  detaining  any  perfon  whatfoever  as  a 
ilavein  England,  who  has  not  voluntarily- 
bound  himfeif  as  fuch  by  a  contract  in  writ- 
ing. 

Page  20.  An  Englifli  fubjeft  cannot  be 
made  a  Have  without  his  own  free  confent* 

but : a  foreign  Have  is  made  a  fubjecfe 

with  or  without  his  own  confent ;  there 
needs  no  contract  for  this  purpofe  as  in  the 
ether  cafe  ;  nor  any  other  aft  or  deed  what- 
foever, but  that  of  his  being  landed  in  Eng- 
land ;  for  according  to  a  ftatute  of  3a d  Hen- 
ry, VIII.  c.  16.  Se6t.  9.  u  Every  alien  orftran- 
"  gtr*  born  out  of  the  King's  obeifance,  not  beings 
4C  denizen,  which  now  or  hereafter  floall  come, 
[*  into  this  realm,  or  elfewhere  within  the 
"  King*s  dominions,  fhall,  after  the  faid  frfi 
cc  of  September  next  coming,  be  bounden  by  and 
"  unto  the  laws  and  ftatutes  of  this  realm,  and 
*  to  aUandfngular  the  contents  of  the  fame" 

Now  k  muit  be  obferved,  that  though, 
this  law  makes  no  diftinftion  of  bond  Or  freey 
neither  of  colours  or  complexions,  whether 
of  black,  brown,  or  white,  for  "  every  alien 
"  orflranger  (without  exception)  are  bounden. 
w  by  and  unto  the  law,  &c." 

This    binding  or  obligation,  is  properly 

expreiibci 


C    5   3 

exprefied  by  the  Englifh  word  Ligeance,  (a 
Ligando)  which  may  be  either  perpetual  or 
temporary.  Wood  6.  i.  c.  3.  p.  37.  but  one 
of  thefe  is  indifpenfably  due  to  the  Sovereign 
from  all  ranks  and  conditions  of  people, 
their  being  bounden  unto  the  laws,  (upoQ, 
which  the  Sovereign's  right  is  founded)  ex- 
prefles  and  implies  this  fubje&ion  to  the  laws, 
and  therefore  to  alledge,  that  an  alien  is  not 
a  fubject,  becaufe  he  is  in  bondage,  is  not 
only  a  plea  without  foundation,  but  a  con- 
tradiction in  terms,  for  every  perfon  who 
in  any  refpect  is  in  fubje&ion  to  the  laws, 
muft  undoubtedly  be  a  fubjeft. 

I  come  now  to  the  main  point c<  that 

every  man,  woman,  or  child,  that  now  is,  or 
hereafter  Jhall  be  an  inhabitant  or  refiant  of  this 
kingdom  of  England,  dominion  of  Wales,  or 
town  of  Berwick  upon  'Tweed"  is,  in  fome 
refpect  or  other,  the  King's  fubject,  and  as- 
fuch,  is  abfolutely  fecure  in  his,  or  her  per* 
fona I  liberty,  by  virtue  of  a  ftatute,  31ft  Car* 
II.  ch.  11,  and  particularly  by  the  1 2  th  Sect* 
of  the  fame  (wherein  fubjecls  of  all  condi- 
tions are  plainly  included.) 

TIal  act  is  exprefsly  intended  for  the  bet- 
ter fecuring  the  liberty  of  the  fubject,  and  for 
prevention  of  imprisonment  beyond  the 
leas.  It  contains  no  diftinction  of  "  natural 
born,  naturalized,  denizen,  or  alien  fubjefl,  nor 
$f  white  or  black,  freemen  or  even  of  bond  men,'* 

(except 


( 6) 

(except  in  the  cafe  already  mentioned  of  a 
contract  in  writings  by  which  it  fhall  appear, 
that  the  /aid /lave  have  voluntarily  bound  him- 
felf  without  compuljion  or  illegal  durefs)  allowed 
by  the  13th  Seel,  and  the  exception  likewiie 
in  the  14th  Seel,  concerning  felons,  but  they 
are  all  included  under  the  general  titles  of 
"  thefubjett,  any  of  the  faid  fubjefts,"  every 
fuch  perfen,  &c.  Now  the  definition  of  the 
word  "  perfonry  in  its  relative  or  civil  capaci- 
ty (according  to  Wood.  b.  i.e.  11.  p.  27) 
is  either  the  King  or  a  fubjefi.  Thefe  are  the 
only  capital  diflinclions  that  can  be  made  ; 
though  the  latter  confifls  of  a  variety  of  de- 
nominations and  degrees. 

But  if  I  were  even  to  allow,  that  a  Negroe 
flave  is  not  a  fubjecfl,  (though  I  think  I  have 
clearly  proved  that  he  is)"  yet  it  is  plain,  that 
fuch  an  one  ought  not  to  be  denied  the  be- 
nefit of  the  King's  court,  unlefs  the  flave- 
holder  fhall  be  able  to  prove  likewife,  that 
he  is  not  a  Man,  becaufe  every  man  may  be 
free  to  fue  for  and  defend  his  right  in  our 
toufts9fzyt  aflat-  20th  Ed  w.  III.  Ch.  4.  and 
elfewhere  according  to  law.  And  no  win  of 
what  eflate  or  condition  that  he  be,  {\\9t  can 
be  no  exception  whatfoever)  fhall  be  put  out 
$f  land  or  tenement,  nor  taken  nor  rmprifoned, 
riGr  difmherited,  nor  put  to  death,  without  being 
brought  in  anfwer  by  due  procefs  of  the  law. 
28th  Edw.  III.  Ch.  3.  No  man  therefore,  cf 

what 


..(     7     ) 

what  eft  ate  or  condition  that  he  be,  can  law- 
fully be  detained  in  England  as  a  flave,  be- 
caufe we  have  no  law,  whereby  a  miximay  be 
condemned, to  flavery,  without  his  own  con*- 
fent,  (for  even  convidted  felons  muft,  "  m 
open  court  pray  to  be  tranfported")  fee  Habeas 
Corpus  act,  Seel.  14.  and  therefore  there 
cannot  be  any  u  dueprocefs  of  the  law"  terjd- 
ing  to  fo  bafc  a  purpofe  :  It  follows,  there- 
fore, that  every  man  who  prefumes  to  de- 
tain any  per/on  whatsoever  as  a  flave,  other- 
wife  than  by  virtue  of  a  written  contract,  acts 
manifeftly  without "  due  procefs  of  the  law" 
and  consequently  is  liable  to  the  flaves 
*i  adion  of  falfe  imprifonment"  becaufe 
"  every  man  may  be  free  to  fuse9  &c.  fo  that 
the  flave-holder  cannot  avail  himfelf  of  his 
imaginary  property,  either  by  the  afliftance 
of  the  common  law,  or  of  a  court  of 
equity,  {except  it  appears  that  the  faid  /lave 
has  voluntary  bound  himfelf  without  com- 
fulfion,  or  illegal  durefs)  for  in  both,  his  fuit 
will  certainly  appear  both  unj#ft  and  indefen- 
fible.  The  former  cannot  afftft  him,  becaufe 
the  ftatute  iaw  at  prefent  is  fp  f  ar  from  fup- 
pofinsf  any  man  inaftate  of  flavery,  that  it 
cannot  even  permit  fuch  a  ftate,  except  in 
the  two  cafes  mentioned  in  the  1 3th  and  1 4th 
Seftion  of  the  Habeas  Corpus  aft  ;  and  the 
courts  of  equity  likewife  muft  neceflarily 
decide  againft  him,  becaufe  his  mere  merce- 
nary 


(     8    ) 

nary  plea,  of  private  property,  cannot,  equit- 
ably in  a  cafe  between  (man  and  man?)fan&  in 
competition  with  thzt fuperior  property  which 
every  man  mull  neceffarily  be  allowed  to 
have  in  his  own  proper  per/on. 

How  then  is  the  flave-holder  to  fecure 
what  he  efteems  his  property?  Perhaps  he  will 
endeavour  clandeftinely  to  feize  the  fuppofed 
flave  in  order  to  tranfport  him,  (with  or 
without  his  confent)  to  the  colonies,  where 
fuch  property  it  allowed:  But  let  him  take 
care  what  he  does,  the  very  attempt  is  pu- 
nifhable,  and  even  the  making  over  his  pro* 
perty  to  another  for  that  purpofe,  renders 
him  equally  liable  to  the  fevere  penalties  of 
the  law,  for  a  bill  of  fale  may  certainly  be 
included  under  the  terms  expreffed  in  the 
Habeas  Corpus  act,  12th  Se£t.  viz.  "  Any  war- 
rant or  writing  for  Juch  commitment,  detainer^ 
imprifonment  or  tranfportation,  &c"  It  is  alfo 
dangerous  for  a  counfellor  or  any  other  perfon 
toadvife"  (fee  the  ad  "  fhallbeadvifing")  fuch 
proceedings  by  faying,  "  that  a  mafter  may 
legally  compel  him,  (the  liave)  to  return  again 
to  the  plantations"  Like  wife  an  Attorney, 
Notary-public,  or  any  other  perfon,  who 
fliall  prefume  to  draw  up,  negotiate,  or  even 
towitnefs  a  bill  of  fale,  or  other  inftrument, 
for  fuch  committment,  ire.  offends  equally 
againft  the  law,  becaufe,  "  All,  or  aw  per- 
fon or  perfons  that  fhall  frame  >  contrive  Writt^ 

feal 


(    9    ) 

feat  or  counter Jign  any  warranty  or  writing  for 
fitch  commitment,  detainer ,  imprijmment  or  tranf- 
portation,  er  Jhall  be  adviftng,  aiding  or  affiji- 
ing  in  the  fame ■,  or  any  of  them"  are  liable  to 
all  the  penalties  of  the  aft.  "  And  the  Plain- 
fffil  in  every  fuch  a6lion,  foall  have  judgment  to 
recover  his  treble  cofls,  befides  damages  ;  %vhich' 
damages  fo  to  be  given ,  Jhall  not  be  lefs  tlmnfivg 
hundred  founds  ;"  fo  that  the  injured  may 
have  ample  fatisfaction  for  their  fufferings  ; 
and  even  a  judge  may  not  direct  or  inflruefc 
a  jury  contrary  to  this  flatute  whatever  his 
private  opinion  may  be  concerning  property 
in  Haves  ;  becaufe,  no  order  or  command,  nor 
no  injunction,  is  allowed  to  interfere  with 
this  golden  act  of  liberty. 

I  have  before  obferved,  that  the  ge- 
neral term,  "  every  Alien,3'  includes  all 
flrangers  wkatfiever,  and  renders  them  fub* 
jefi  to  the  King  and  the  laws  during  their  re- 
fidence  in  this  kingdom ;  and  this  is  certain- 
ly true,  whether  the  aliens  be  Turks,  Moors, 
Arabians,  Tartars,  or  even  favages  from  any 
part  of  the  world. — Men  are  rendered  ob- 
noxious to  the  laws  by  their  offences,  and 
not  by  the  particular  denomination  of  their 
rank,  order,  parentage,  colour  or  country, 
and  therefore,  though  we  xhould  fuppofe, 
that  any  particular  body  of  people  whatfoe- 
^ver  were  not  known,  or  had  in  confidera- 
iion  by  the  legiflature  at  the  different  times 
B  when 


(  "  ) 
when  the  fevere  penal  laws  were  made,  yet 
no  man  can  reafonably  conceive,  that  fuck 
men  are  exempted  on  this  account  from  the 
penalties  of  the  faid  laws,  when  legally  con- 
victed of  having  offended  againft  them. 

Laws  calculated  for  the  moral  purpofe  of 
preventing  opprefiion,  are  likewife  ufually 
fuppofed  to  be  everlafting,,  and  to  make  up 
a  part  of  our  happy  conftitution ;  for  which 
reafon,  though  the  kind  of  oppreffion  to  be 
guarded  againft,  and  the  penalties  for  of- 
fenders are  minutely  defcribed  therein,  yet 
the  perfons  to  be  protected  are  comprehend- 
ed in  terms  as  general  as  poflible  ;  that  "  no 
ferfon  who  now  is,  or  hereafter  flmll  be  an  in- 
habitant or  rejiant  in  this  kingdom,  (fee  Habe- 
as Corpus  a<3:,  Seel.  12th)  may  feem  to  be 
excluded  from  protection.  The  general 
terms  of  the  feveral  ftatutes  before  cited  are 
lb  full  and  clear,  that  they  admit  of  no  ex- 
ception whatfoever,  for  all  perfons,  (Ne- 
groes as  well  as  others)  muft  be  included  in 
the  terms  ;  "  the  fubjeft ; — nofubjed  of  this 
realm  that  now  is,  or  hereafter  fhall  be  an  in- 
habitant,^, any  fubjeft  ;  every  fuch  ferfon,  fee 
Habeas  Cor.  act.  Alfo,  every  man  may  be 
free  to  fue,&c.  20th  Edward  III.  Cap.  4,  and 
no  man,  of  what  eflate  or  condition  than  he  be, 
fhall  be  taken  nor  imprifoned.  &c.  True  juf- 
tice  makes  no  refpeft  of  perfons,  and  can 
never    deny  to   any  one  that  blefling .  to 


(     M     ) 

which  all  mankind  have  an  undoubted  right, 
their  natural  liberty  :  Though  the  law  makes 
no  mention  of  Negroe  flaves,  yet  this  is 
nojuft  argument  for  excluding  them  from 
the  general  protection  of  our  happy  confti- 
tution. 

Neither  can  the  objection,  that  Negroe 
flaves  were  not  "  had  in  confideration  or 
contemplation"  when  thefe  laws  Were 
made,  prove  any  thing  againfl  them  ;  but, 
on  the  contrary,  much  in  their  favour  ;  for 
both  thefe  circumftances  are  ftrong  prefump- 
tive  proofs,  that  the  practice  of  importing 
flaves  into  this  kingdom,  and  retaining  them 
as  fuch,  is  an  innovation  entirely  foreign  to 
the  fpirit  and  intention  of  the  laws  now  in 
force. 

-Page  79- A  toleration  of  flavery,  is, 

in  effeft,  a  toleration  of  inhumanity  ;  for 
there  are  wretches  in  the  world,  who  make 
no  fcruple  to  gain,  by  wearing  out  their 
flaves  with  continual  labour,  and  a  fcanty 
allowance,  before  they  have  lived  out  half 
their  natural  days.  'Tis  notorious,  that 
this  is  too  often  the  cafe  in  the  unhappy  coun- 
tries where  flavery  is  tolerated. 

See  the  account  of  the  European  fettle- 
ments  in  America,  Part  VI.  Chap.  u.  con- 
cerning the  c c  mifery  of  the  Negroes,  great 
wafle  of  them,  &c.  which  informs  us,  not 
only  of  a  moft  fcandalous  profanation  of  the 
B  2  Lord's 


[       12       ] 

Lord's  day,  but  alfo,  of  another  abomlnati" 
on,  which  muft  be  infinitely  more  heinous 
in  the  fight  of  God,  viz.  oppreilion  caiTied 
to  fuch  excefs,  as  to  be  even  deftruciive  of 
the  human  fpecies. 

At  prefent  the  inhumanity  of  conftrained 
labour  in  excefs,  extends  no  farther  in  Eng- 
land, than  to  our  beafts,  as  poft  and  hack- 
ney horfes,  fand  affes,  &c. 

But  thanks  to  our  laws,  and  not  to  the 
general  good  difpofition  of  mailers*  that 
It  is  fo,  for  the  wretch,  who  is  bad  enough 
to  mal-treat  a  helplefs  beaft,  would  not  fparc 
his  fellow  man,  if  he  had  him  as  much  in 
his  power* 

The  maintenance  of  civil  liberty,  is  there- 
fore, abfolutely  neceffary  to  prevent  an  en- 
creafe  of  our  national  guilt,  by  the  addition 
of  the  horrid  crime  of  tyranny. — Notwith- 
ftanding  that  the  plea  of  neceflity  cannot 
here  be  urged,  yet  this  is  no  reafon  why 
an  increafc  of  the  practice  is  not  to  be  feared.. 
Our  North  America  colonies  afford  us  a 
melancholy  inftance  to  the  contrary  ; — for 
though  the  climate  in  general  is  fo  whole-* 
fome  and  temperate,  that  it  will  not  autho- 
rife  this  plea  of  neceflity  for  the  employment 
of  Haves,  any  more  than  our  own,  yet  the 
pernicious  practice  of  flave-holding  is  be- 
come almoft  general  in  thofe  parts.  At  New- 
York,  for  initance,  the  infringement  on  ci- 
vil 


£    H   1 

vil  or  domeftic  liberty  is  become  notorious, 
notwithftanding  the  political  controverfies 
of  the  inhabitants  in  praife  of  liberty  ;  but 
no  panegyrick  on  this  fubjeft  (howfoever 
elegant  in  itfelf)  can  be  graceful,  or  edify- 
ing from  the  mouth,  or  pen  of  one  of  thofe 
provincials  ;  becaufe  men,  who  do  not  fcru- 
ple  to  detain  others  in  flavery,  have  but  a 
very  partial  and  unjuftclaim  to  the  prote&ion 
of  the  laws  of  liberty ;  and  indeed  it  too 
plainly  appears,  that  they  have  no  real  re- 
gard for  liberty,  farther  than  their  own 
private  interefts  are  concerned  ;  and  (confe- 
quently)  that  they  have  fo  little  deteftation 
for  defpotifm  and  tyranny,  that  they  do  not 
fcruple  to  exercife  them  whenever  their  ca- 
price excites  them,  or  their  private  intereft 
feems  to  require  an  exertion  of  their  power 
over  their  miferable  flaves. 

Every  petty  planter,  who  avails  himfelf 
of  the  fervice  of  flaves,  is  an  arbitrary  mo- 
narch, or  rather  a  lawlefs  Bafhaw  in  his  own 
territories,  notwithftanding  that  the  imagi- 
nary freedom  of  the  province  wherein  he  re- 
fides,  may  feem  to  forbid  the    obfervation. 

The  boafted  liberty  of  our  American  co- 
lonies, therefore,  has  fo  little  right  to  that 
facred  name,  that  it  feems  to  differ  from  the 
arbitrary  power  of  defpotic  monarchs,  only 
in  one  circumftance,  viz.  that  it  is  a  many- 
headed  monfter  of  tyranny,  which  entirely  fub- 
B  3  verts 


I  14  1 

"verts  our  moft  excellent  conftitution,  becauCr 
liberty  and  flavery  are  fa  oppofite  to  eacli 
ether,  that  they  cannot  fubfift  in  the  fame 
community.  "  Political  liberty  (in  mild  or 
*c  well  regulated  governments)  makes  civil  li~ 
"  berty  valuable ;  and  whofoever  is  deprived 
"  of  the  latter  i  is  deprived  alfe  of  the  former" 
This  obfervation  of  the  learned  Montefquieu^ 
Ihope,  fufticiently  juftifies  my  cenfure  of 
the  Americans  for  their  notorious  violation 

of  civil  liberty. The  New- York  Journal, 

or,  The  General  Advertifer,  for  Thurfday, 
aid  October  1767,  Gives  Notice,  by  Adver- 
tisement of  no  lefs  than  eight  different  per^ 
fons  who  have  efcaped  from  flavery,  or  are 
put  up  to  public  fale  for  that  horrid  pur- 
pofe. 
.  That  I  may  demonftrate  the  indecency  of 
fuch  proceedings  in  a  free  country,  I  fhall 
take  the  liberty  of  laying  fome  of  thefc  Ad- 
vertifements  before  my  readers,  by  way  of 
example. 

Ci  To  be  SOLD  for  Want  of  Employment, 
65  A  likely  firong  active  NegroeMan,  of 
"  about  24  years  of  age,  this  country  born, 
"  (N.B.  A  natural  born  fubjecl)  underftands 
"  moft  of  a  Baker*  s  trade  and  a  good  deal 
"  of  farming  bufinefs,  and  can  do  all  forts 
"  ofhoufe-work:—  Alfo,  A  healthy  Negroe 
"  Wench,  of  about  21  years  old,  is  a  tole- 
"  cable  Cook,  and  capable  of  doing  all  forts 

«  of 


(  15  ) 
"  of  houfe-work,  can  be  well  recommend- 
"  ed  for  her  honefty  and  fobriety  :  She  has 
M  a  female  child  of  nigh  three  years  old,. 
"  which  will  be  fold  with  the  Wench  if  re- 
"  quired,  &c"  Here  is  not  the  leaft  confi- 
deration  or  fcruple  of  confcience  for  the  in- 
humanity of  parting  the  mother  and  young 
child.  From  the  ftile,  one  would  fuppofe  the 
Advertifement  to  be  of  no  more  importance 
than  if  it  related  merely  to  the  fale  of  a  cow 
and  her  calf,  and  that  the  cow  fhouid  be  fold 
with  or  without  her  calf  according  as  the 
purchafer  fhouid  require. — But  not  only 
Negroes,  but  even  American  Indians  are  de- 
tained in  the  fame  abominable  flavery  in  our 
colonies,  though  there  cannot  be  any  rea- 
fonable  pretence  whatfoever,  for  holding 
one  ofthefe  as  private  property;  for  even, 
if  a  written  contra£t  fhouid  be  produced  as 
a  voucher  in  fuch  a  cafe,  there  would  ftill 
remain  great  fufpicion,  that  fome  undue  ad- 
vantage had  been  taken  of  the  Indians  igno- 
rance concerning  the  nature  of  fuch  a  bond. 
V  Run    away9  on    Monday  the   2  ift  inftant, 

"from  J—  n  T ^Efq;  of  Weft-Che  ft  er 

u  County,  in  the  province  of  New-Tor k9 
"  An  kidian  flave,  named  Abraham,  he 
w  may  have  changed  his  name,  about  23 
"  years  of  age,  about  five  feet  five  inches.'* 
Upon  the  whole,  I  think,  I  may,  with 
juftice  conclude,  that  thofe  Advertifements 

difcover 


(     16    ) 

difcover  a  fhamelefs  proftitution  and  in- 
fringement on  the  common  and  natural 
rights  of  mankind. —  But  hold !  perhaps  the 
Americans  may  be  able,  with  too  much 
juftice,  to  retort  this  fevere  reflection,  and 
may  refer  us  to  news-papers  publifhed  even 
in  the  free  city  of  London,  which  contain 
Advertifements,  not  lefs  difhonourable  than 
their  own.  See  Advertifement  in  the  Pub- 
lic Ledger  of  3 1  ft  December,  1761. 
«  For     SAL  E, 

"  A  healthy  Negroe  GIRL,  aged  a- 
"  bout  fifteen  years;  fpeaks  good  Engli£hr 
"  works  at  her  needle,  wafhes  well,  does 
"  houihold  work,  and  has  had  the  fmall- 
"  pox.    By  J.  W.  &c;' 

Another  Advertifement,  not  long  agor 
offered  a  reward  for  flopping  a  female  Have 
who  had  left  her  miftrefs  in  Hatton-garden. 
And  in  the  Gazetteer  of  18th  April  1769, 
appeared  a  very  extraordinary  Advertife- 
ment, M7ith  the  following  title. 

"  Horfes,  TimWiJky,  and  black  Boy, 
"  To  be  Sold,  at  the  Bull  and  Gate  Inn, 
"  Holborn,  A  very  good  Tim  Wifty,  little 
"  the  worfe  for  wear,  &c."  afterwards  "  a 
u  Chefnut  Gelding" — Then,  A  very  good  grey 
"  Mare"— and  laft  of  all,  (as  if  of  the  leaft 
confequence)"  A  well  ?nade  good  tempered  Black 
"  Boy,  he  has  lately  had  the  fmall-pox,  and 
M  will  be  fold  to  any  gentleman.  Enquire 
*'  as  above."  Another 


(     '7     ) 
Another  Adveitifemcnt  in   the  fame  pa* 
per,  contains  a  very  particular   defcription 

of  a  Negroe  man,  called  Jeremiah  —- , 

H  and  concludes  as  follows  : — Whoever  de^ 

"  delivers  him  to  Capt.  M U y,  oa 

"  board  the  Elizabeth  at  Prince's  flairs,  Ro« 
f?  therhithe,  on  or  before  the  31ft  inftant, 
44  fhall  receive  thirty  Guineas  Reward,  or 
44  ten  Guineas  for  fuch  intelligence  as  fliall 
"  enable  the  Captain  or  his  Mailer,  effectu- 
"  ally  to  fecure  him.  The  utmoft  fecrecy 
"  may  be  depended  on."  It  is  not  on  ac- 
count of  ftiame,  that  men,  who  are  capable 
of  undertaking  the  defperate  and  wicked 
employment  of  kidnappers,  are  fuppofed  to 
be  tempted  to  fuch  a  bufinefs,  by  a  promife, 
u  of  the  utmoft  fancy."  But  this  mull  be  from 
afenfeof  the  unlawfulnefs  of  the  act  propof- 
ed  to  them,  that  they  may  have  lefs  reafoi* 
to  fear  a  profecution.  And  as  fuch  a  kind  of 
people  are  fuppofed  to  undertake  any  thing 
for  money,  the  Reward  of  thirty  Guineas 
was  tendered  at  the  top  of  the  Advertife- 
ment  in  capital  letters.  No  man  can  be  fafe, 
be  he  white  or  black,  if  temptations  to  break 
the  laws  are  fo  fhamefully  publifhed  in  our 
news-papers. 

A  Creole  Black  Boy^  is  alfo  offered  to  fale  in 
the  Daily  Advertifer  of  the  fame  date. 

Beiides    thefe  inftances,  the    Americans 
may   perhaps  taunt  us  with   the  fhameful 

treatment 


(  Iff  ) 

treatment  of  a  poor  Negroe  fervant,  who 
not  long  ago  was  put  up  to  Tale  by  public  auc- 
tion, together  with  the  effects  of  his  bank- 
rupt mailer. Alfo,  that  the  prifons  of 

this  free  city  have  been  frequently  proftitut- 
ed  of  late  by  the  tyrannical  and  dangerous 
practice  of  confining  Negroes,  under  the 
pretence  of  flavery,  though  there  has  beeit 
no  warrants  whatfoever  for  their  commit- 
ments 

This  circumftance  of  confining  a  matt 
without  a  warrant,  has  fo  great  a  refem- 
blance  to  the  proceedings  of  a  Popifii  inqui- 
fition,  that  it  is  but  too  obvious  what  dan- 
gerous practices  fuch  fcandalous  innovations' 
(if  permitted  to  grow  more  into  ufe)  are  li- 
able to  introduce;  No  perfon  can  be  fafe, 
if  wicked  and  defigning  men  have  it  in  their 
power,  under  the  pretence  of  private  pro- 
perty as  aflave,  to  throw  a  ir^an  clandeftine- 
ly  without  a  warrant  into  goal,  and  to  con- 
ceal him  there,  until  they  can  conveniently 
difpofe  of  him. 

A  free  man  may  be  thus  robbed  of  his  li- 
berty, and  carried  beyond  the  feas,  with- 
out having  the  leaft  opportunity  of  making 
his  cafe  known  ;  which  fhould  teach  us  how 
jealous  we  ought  to  be  of  all  imprifonments 
made  without  the  authority,  or  previous 
examination  of  a  civil  magiftrate. 

The  diftinctiun  of  colour  will,  in  a  fhort 

time, 


(     *9    ) 

time,  be  no  prote&ion  againft  fuch  outra- 
ges, efpecially,  as  not   only  Negroes,  but 
Mullatoes,    and    even    American    Indians, 
(.which  appears  by   one  tof  the   Advertife^ 
ments  before  quoted)  are  retained  in  flavery 
in   our  American   colonies;  for  there   are 
many    honeft  weather-beaten   Englifhmen, 
who  have  as  little  reafon  to   boaft  of  their 
complexion  as  the  Indians.  And  indeed  the 
more  northern  Indians,  have  no  difference 
from  us  in  complexion,  but  fuch  as  is  occa- 
sioned by  the  climate   or  different  way  of 
living.    The  plea  of  private  property,  there- 
fore, cannot  by  any  means  juftify  a  private 
commitment  of  any   perfon  whatfqever  to 
to  prifon,  becaufe  of  the  apparent  danger 
and  tendency  of  fuch  an  innovation.     This 
dangerous  practice  of  concealing  in  prifon, 
was    attempted   in    the    cafe    of  Jonathan 
Strong;  for  the  door-keeper  of  the  P«lt--y 
C — pt — r  (or  fome  perfon  who  afted   for 
him)  abfolutely  refufed  for  two  days  to  per- 
mit this  poor  injured  Negro  to  be  feen  or 
fpoke  with,  though  a  perfon  went  on  pup- 
pofe  both  thofe  days  to  demand  the  fame* 

J All  laws  ought  to  be  founded  upon  the 

principle  of  "  doing  as  one  would  be  done  by" 
and  indeed  this  principle  feems  to  be  the  ve- 
ry bafis  of  the  Englifh  conftitution,  for 
what  precaution  could  poffibly  be  more  ef- 
fectual for  that  jpurpofe,  than  the  right  wte 

enjoy 


(      20      ) 

^njoy  of  being  judged  by  cur  Peers,  credi- 
table perfons  of  the  vicinage  ;  efpecially,  as 
we  may  likewife  claim  the  right  of  except- 
ing againft  any  particular  juryman,  who 
might  he  fufpected  of  partiality. 

This  law  breathes  the  pure  fpirit  of  liber- 
ty, equity  and  focial  love  ;  being  calculated 
to  maintain  that  confideration  and  mutual 
regard,  which  one  perfon  ought  to  have  for 
another  howfoever  unequal  in  rank  or  fta- 
tion. 

But  when  any  part  of  the  community, 
under  the  pretence  of  private  property  ,is  de- 
prived of  this  common  privilege,  'tis  a  vio- 
lation of  civil  liberty,  which  is  entirely  in- 
confiftentwith  the  focial  principles  of  a  free 
itate. 

True  liberty  protects  the  labourer,  as  well 
as  his  Lord  ;  prefcrves  the  dignity  of  hu- 
man nature,  and  feldom  fails  to  render  a 
province  rich  and  populous;  whereas,  on 
the  other  hand,  a  toleration  of  flavery  is  the 
higheft  breach  of  focial  virtue,  and  not  only 
tends  to  depopulation,  but  too  often  renders 
the  minds  of  both  matters  and  flaves  utter- 
ly depraved  and  inhuman,  by  the  hateful 
extremes  of  exaltation  and  depreffion. 

If  fuch  a  toleration  fhould  ever  be  gener- 
ally admitted  in  England,  (which  God  for- 
bid) we  fhall  no  longer  deferve  to  be  efteem- 
cd  a    civilized  people ;  becauie,    when  the 

cuftora 


.1  2I  } 

<uftoms  of  uncivilized  nations,  and  the'tiim 
ized  cuflems  which  dij grace  our  own  colonics** 
are  become  fo  familiar,  as  to  be  permitted 
amongft  us  with  impunity,  we  ourfelvcs 
muft  infenfibly  degenerate  to  the  fame  de- 
cree of  bafenefs  with  thofe  from  whom 
fuch  bad  cuftoms  were  derived,  and  may 
tpo  foon  have  the  mortification  to  fee  the 
hateful  extremes  of  tyranny  and  flavery  /of- 
fered under  every  roof?* 

Then  muft  the  happy  medium  of  a  well 
regulated  liberty  be  neceflarily  compelled  to 
find  fhelter  in  fome  more  civilized  country, 
where  focial  virtue,  and  that  divine  preceptv 
"  Thou  fh alt  love  thy  neighbour  as  thyfelf"  are 
better  underftood. 

An  attempt  to  prove  the  dangerous  ten- 
dency, injuftice  and  difgrace  of  tolerating 
flavery  amongft  Englishmen,  would  in  any 
former  age  have  been  efteemed  as  fuperflu- 
ous  and  ridiculous,  as  if  a  man  fhould  un- 
dertake in  a  formal  manner  to  prove,  that 
darknefs  is  not  light. 

Sorry  am  I,  that  theJepravity  of  the  pre- 
sent age  has  made  a  demonftration  of  this 
kind  neceffary. 

Now  that  I  may  fum  up  the  amount  of 

what  has  been  faid  in  a  fingle  fentence,     I 

fhall  beg  leave  to  conclude  in  the  words  of 

the  great  fir  Edward  Coke,  which  though 

C  fpoken 


=" 


r  M  ] 

ipokcn  on  a  difFerent  occafion,  are  yet  ap- 
plicable to  this,  fee  Rufhworth's  Hift.  Col. 
An.  1628.    4.  Caroli.  fol.  540. 

"  It  would  be  no  honour  to  a  king  or 
"  kingdom,  to  be  a  king  of  bondmen  or 
>'  Haves,  the  end  of  this  would  be  both  de- 
"  decus  -J-  and  damnum  \  both  to  king  and 
Ci  kingdom,  that  in  former  times  have  been 
&i  fo  renowned/' 

Note,  at  page  63.  According  to  the  laws 
of  Jamaica  printed  at  London  in  1756.  "  If 
."■  any  Have  having  been  one  whole  year  in 
u  this  ifland,  (fays  an  aci,  N°  64,  claufe  5. 
fi*  p.  114)  fhall  run  away,  and  continue  ab- 
<c  fent  from  his  owners  fervice  for  the  fpace 
<c  of  thirty  days,  upon  complaint  and  proof 
*'  &c«  before  any  two  juftices  of  the  peace, 
46  and  three  freeholders,  &c.  it  fhall  and 
u  may  be  lawful  for  fuch  juftices  and  free- 
"  holders  to  order  fuch  flave  to  be  punifhed 
£g  h  y  cutting  off  one  cf  the  feet  offuch/lave^  or 
"  infli6t  fuch  other  corporal  punifhment  as 
"  they  Jh 'all  think  Jit."  Now  that  1  may  in- 
form my  readers  what  corporal  punifhments 
are  fometimes  thought  fit  to  be  inflicted,  I 
will  refer  to  the  teftimony  of  fir  Hans  Sloan, 
(fee  voyage  to  the  iflands  of  Madeira,  Barba- 
does,  &c.  and  Jamaica,  with  the  natural  hif- 
tory  of  the  laft  of  thefe  iflands,  &c.   London 

1707.0 
f  Diigrace.         %  Lois- 


(  n  ) 

tfoj9  Introduction,  p.  56,  and  57.)  "  The 
Ct  punifhment  for  crimes  of  Haves  (fays  he) 
"  are  ufually  for  rebellions  burning  them,  by 

*  nailing  them  down  on  the  ground  with 

*  crooked  flicks,  on  every  limb,  and  then 
"  applying  the  fire  by  degrees  from  the  feet 
65  and  hands,  burning  them  gradually  up 
**  to  the  head,  whereby  their  fains  are  ex- 
4C  travagant ;  for  crimes  of  a  lefler  nature- 
**  gelding,  or  chopping  off  half  the  fool  with. 
•*  an  axe.     Thefe   puniihments  are  fuffered 

w  by  them  with  great  conflancy.- -For 

"  negligence,  they  are  ufually  wrhipped  by 
cc  the  overfeers  with  lance-wood  fwitches, 
"  till  they  be  bloody,  and  feveral  of  the 
"  fwitches  Woken,  being  firfl   tied 

"  their  hands  in  the  mill  houfes.— ^ A 

'*  ter  they  are  whipped  till  they  are  raw, 
w  fome  put  on  their  fkins  jpepper  and  fait, 
i4  to  make  them  fmart  ;  at  other  times  their 
64  mailers  will  drop  melted  wax  on  their 
&i  fkins,  and ufe  feveral  very  exquijite  torments  " 
Sir  Hans  adds,  "  Thefe  puniihments  are 
"  fometimeS  merited  by  the  blacks,  who  are 
f  a  very  perverfe  generation  of  people,  and 
**  though  they  appear  very  harfh,  yet  are 
cc  fcarcs  equal  to  fome  of  their  crimes,  and 
"  inferior  to  what  puniihments  other  Euro- 
ff  pean  nations  inflict  on  their  fiaves  in  the 
ri  iLuiUi.dks,    as  may  be  feen  by  Moquet, 

*  and  other  travellers/'  Thus  fir  Hans  Sloan 

endeavours 


(  M  ) 
endeavours  to  excufethofe fhocking cruel ticsr 
but  certainly  in  vain  :  becaufe  no  crimes 
whatfoever  can  merit  fuch  fevere  punifh- 
ments,  untefs  I  except  the  crimes  of  thole 
who  devife  and  inflict  them.  Sir  Hans  Sloan 
indeed,  mentions  rebellion,  as  the  principal 
crime,  and  certainly  it  is  very  juitly  efteeiri- 
ed  a  moil  heinous  crime,  in  a  land  of  liber- 
ty, where  government  is  limited  by  equita- 
ble and  juft  laws,  if  the  fame  are  tolerably 
well  obferved  ;  but  in  countries  where  ar- 
bitrary power  is  exercifed  with  fuch  intolera- 
ble cruelty,  as  is  before  defcribed,  if  refin- 
ance be  a  crime,  it  is  certainly  the  moft  nafc- 
tural  of  all  others. 

But  the  j  9th  claule  of  the  3.8th  act, 
would  indeed  on  a  flight  perufal  induce  us 
to  conceive,  that  the  punifiiment  for  rebelli- 
on is  not  fo  fevere  as  it  is  represented  by  fir 
Hans  Sloan  ;  becaufe  a  flave,  though  deem* 
ed  rebellious,  is  thereby  condemned  to  no 
greater  punifhment  thantranfportation. 
verthelefs  if  the  claufe  be  thoroughly  confi- 
dered  we  {hall  find  no  reafon  to  commend 
the  mercy  of  the  legiflatufe ;  for  it  only 
proves,  that  the  Jamaica  law-makers  will 
not  fcruple  to  charge  the  flighteft  and  molt 
natural  offence* with  the  moft  opprobrious 
epithets ;  and  that  a  poor  flave  who  per- 
haps has  no  otherwife  incurred  his  matter's 

difpleafure 


(      *5      ) 

difpleafure  than  by  endeavouring  (upon  the 
juft  and  warrantable  principles  of  felf-prefer- 
vation)  to  efcape  from  his  matter's  tyranny, 
without  any  criminal  intention  whatfoever, 
is  liable  to  be  deemed  rebellious,  and  to  be  ar- 
raigned as  a  capital  offender.  "  For  every 
<c  Have,  and  flaves  that  (hall  run  away  and  con- 
"  tinue  butfor  the  fpace  of  twelve  months,  ex- 
u  cept  fuch  fla  ve  or  flaves  as  fhall  not  have  been 
"  three  years  in  this  ifland,  lhall  be  deemed 
M  rebellious  ,"  &c.  (fee  act  38,  claufe  19. p.  60.) 
Thus  we  are  enabled  to  define  what  a  Weft 
Indian  tyrant  means  by  the  word  rebellious. 
But  unjuft  as  this  claufe  may  kem^  yet  it  is 
abundantly  more  merciful  and  confideratfc 
than  a  fubfequent  act  againft  the  fame  poor- 
miferable  people,  becaufe  the  former  affigns 
no  other  punifhment  for  perfons  fo  deemed 
rebellious  than  that  they,  "  Shall  be  tranf* 
ported  by  order  of  two  juftices  and  three 
freeholders,"  &c.  whereas  the  latter  fpares 
not  the  blood  of  thefe  poor  injured  fugitives: 
For  by  the  66th  a£t,  a  reward  of  50  pound 
is  offered  to  thofe  who,  "  fhall  kill  or  bring 
"  in  alive  any  rebellious  /laves ,"  that  is,  any 
of  thefe  unfortunate  people  whom  the  law 
has  "  deemed  rebellious  "  as  above  ;  and  this 
premium  is  not  only  tendered  to  commifil- 
oned  parties  (fee  2d.  claufe)  but  even  to  any 
jjrivate"  hunt  eryflave  or  other  per/on  "  (fee  3d. 

claufe.) 


L   26   ] 

Thus  it  is  manifeflv  that  the  law  treats  thefe* 
poor  unhappy  men  with  as  little  ceremony 
and  confideration,  as  if  they  were  merely 
wild  beads.  But  the  innocent  blood  that  is 
fhed  in  confequence  of  fuch  a  deteftable  law,, 
muft  certainly  call  for  vengeance  on  the 
murderous  abettors  and  actors  of  fuch  de- 
liberate wickednefs:  And  though  many  of 
the  guilty  wretches  fhould  even  be  fo  hard- 
ened and  abandoned  as  never  afterwards  to* 
be  capable  of  iincere  remorfe,  yet  a  time  will 
undoubtedly  come,  when  they  will  fhudder 
with  dreadful  apprehenlions,  on  account  of 
the  infufficiency  of  ib  wretched  an  excufe, 
as  that  their  poor  murdered  brethren  were.-, 
by  law  "  deemed  rebellious  "  But  bad  as 
thefe  laws  are,  yet,  in  juftice  to  the  free- 
holders of  Jamaica,  I  muft  acknowledge, 
that  their  laws  are  not  near  fo  cruel  and  in- 
human as  the  laws  of  Barbadoes  and  Vir- 
ginia, and  feem  at  prefent,  to  be  much 
more  reafonable  than  they  have  formerly 
been,  many  very  oppreflive  laws  being  now 
expired,  and  others  lefs  fevere  enacted  in 
their  room* 

But  it  is  far  otherwifein  Barbadoes  ;  for 
by  the  329th  aft,  p.  125.  "  If  any  Negro- 
"  or  other  Have,  under  punifhment  by  his 
"matter,  or  his  order,  for  running  away, 
"  or  any  other  crimes,  or  mifdemeanors  to- 

"  wards 


(  *7  ) 
"  wards  his  faid  mailer,  unfortunately  {half 
"  fuffer  in  life,  or  member,  (which  feldorn 
**  happens)  (but  it  is  plain  by  this  law  that 
"  it  does  fometimes  happen)  no  per/on  what- 
**  ever  pall  be  liable  to  any  fine,  therefore,  but  if 
**  any  man  pall,  of  wantonnefs,  or  only  ofbloo- 
***  dy  mindednefs •,  or  cruel  intention,  wilfully 
w  kill  a  Negro  or  other  fiave  of  his  own" — Now 
the  reader,  to  before,  will  naturally  ex- 
pert, that  feme  very  fevere  punifhment 
muft  in  this  cafe  be  ordained,  to  deter,  the 
wanton,  bloody  minded,  and  cruel  wretch  from 
wilfully  killing  his  fellow  creatures ;  but 
alas!  the  Barbadian  law-makers  have  been 
fo  far  from  intending  to  curb  fuch  aban- 
doned wickednefs,  that  they  have  absolute- 
ly made  this  law  on  purpofe  to  fkreen  thefe 
enormous  crimes  from  the  juft  indignation 
of  any  righteous  perfon,  who  might  think 
himfelf  bound  in  duty  to  profecute  a  bloody 
minded  villain  ;  they  have,  therefore,  pre- 
fumptuouflytakenupon  them  to  giveafanfti- 
on,  as  it  were,  bylaw,  to  the  horrid  crime 
of  wilful  murder ;  and  have  accordingly  or- 
dained, that  he  who  is  guilty  of  it  in  Barba~ 
does,  though  the  aft  fho'ald  be  at  tended  with, 
all  the  aggravating  circumftances  before- 
mentioned,  "  fhall  pay  into  the  publick  treafu- 
ry  (no  more  than)  fifteen  pounds  fterling  ;"  but 
if  he  fhall  kill  another  man's,  he  ihall  pay  to 

the 


(  28  ) 
the  owner  of  the  Negro,  double  the  value* 
and  into  the  public  treafury,  twenty  fvs 
found s flerling,  and  he  fhall  further,  by  the 
next  jufticeof  the  peace,  be  bound  to  his 
good  behaviour,  during  the  pleafure  of  ths 
governor  and  council,  and  not  be  liable  to 
any  other  punifbment  or  forfeiture  for  thefame*. 

Themoft  confummate  wickednefs,  Ifup* 
pofe,  that  any  body  of  people,  under  ths 
fpecious  form  of  a  legiflature  were  ever  guil* 
ty  of:  This  ad  contains  feveral  other  claufes 
which  are  fhocking  to  humanity,  though 
too  tedious  to  mention  here. 

According  to  an  act  of  Virginia  (4  Anne 
ch.  49.  fee,  37.  p.  227.)  "  after  proclamation 
"  is  iflued  againft  flavesthatrun  away  and  lie 
"  out,  it  is  lawful  for  any  perfon  whatfoe- 
"  ver,  to  kill  and  dejlroy  fuch  flaves  by  fuch 
"  ways  and  means  as  he,  fhe,  or  they  fhall  think 
"fit,  without  accufation  or  impeachment  of 
"  any  crime  for  the  fame,"  &c  And  left 
private  intereft  fhould  incline  the  planter  to 
mercy,  (to  which  we  muft  fuppofe  fuch  peo- 
ple can  have  no  other  inducement)  it  is  pro- 
vided and  enacted  in  the  fucceeding  claufe, 
(N°  38.)  "  That  for  every /lave  killed,  in  pur- 
"  fuance  of  this  aft,  or  put  to  death  by  law, 
a  the  mafter,  or  owner  of^xuch  Have,  fhall 
<*  be  paid  by  the  public"^ 

AlfO; 


(  ^  ) 

Alfo  by  an  act  of  Virginia  (9  Geo.  I.  ch.  4. 
feci.  18.  p.  343)  it  is  ordained,  "  That, 
u  where  any  iiave  fliall  hereafter  be  found 
*  notorioufly  guilty  of  going  abroad  in  the 
"  night,  or  running  away,  and  lying  out, 
"  and  cannot  be  reclaimed  from  fuch  difor- 
"  derly  courfes  by  the  common  method  of 
•*  puniihment,  it  (hall  and  may  be  lawful, 
"  to  and  for  the  court  of  the  county  upon 
"  complaint  and  proof  thereof  to  them  made 
•6  by  the  owner  of  fuch  Have,  to  order  and 
"  direct  every  fuch  Have  to  be  puniihed  by 
"  difmembering  er  any  other  way,  not  touch- 
"  ing  life,  as  the  faid  county  court  Jhdil 
"  think  fit:' 

I  have  already  given  examples  enough  of 
the  horrid  cruelties  which  are  fametimes 
thought  jit  on  fuch  occafions.  But  if  the  in- 
nocent and  moft  natural  ad  of  "  running  a- 
"  way"  from  intolerable  tyranny  deferves 
fuch  relentlefs  feverity,  what  kind  of  puniih- 
ment have  thefe  law-makers  themfelves  to 
expect  hereafter,  on  account  of  their  own 
enormous  offences  ;  alas  !  to  look  for  mercy 
(without  a  timely  repentance)  will  only  be 
another  inftance  of  their  grofs  injuftice! 
ic  Havingt  heir  confciences  feared  wit  h  a  hot  iron" 
they  feem  to  have  loft  all  app.rehenfions 
that  their  fiaves  are  men,  for  they  fcruple 
not  to  number  them  with  beafts.     See  an 

act 


(  30  / 
act  of  Barbadoes,  (N°  333.  p.  128.)  itrtitled* 
€"  An  act  for  the  better  regulating  oiautcriefy 
?  in  open  market/'  here  we  read  of  "  Ne- 
"  groes,  cattle,  coppers,  and  fills,  and  other 
"  chattels,  brought  by  execution  to  open 
7  market  to  be  outcried,"  and  thefe  (as  if 
all  of  equal  importance)  are  ranged  together 
u  in  great  lets  or  numbers  to  he  fold" 

- — —Page  70.  In  the  329  act  of  Barba* 
does  (p.-  122)  it  is  aflerted,  that,  "  brutifh4 
"  flaves  defer ve  not,  for  the  bafenefs  of  their 
**  condition,  to  he  tried  by  a  legal  trial  of 
u  twelve  men  of  their  peers  or  neighbourhood, 
"  which  neither  truly  can  be  rightly  done, 
*  as  the  fubjetts  of  England"  are  ;*;  (yet 
ilaves  alio  are  fubjecls  of  England,  whilft 
they  remain  within  the  Britiih  dominions, 
notwithfeandbgthisinfinuution  to  the  con-" 
irary)  "  nor  is  execution  to  be  delay'd  to- 
w  wards  them,  in  cafe  of  fuch  horrid  crimes 
"  committed/5  &c. 

A  fimilar  do&rine  is  taught  in  an  act  of 
Virginia,  (9  Geo.  L  ch.  4.  feci.  3.  p.  339.) 
wherein  it  is  ordained/'  that  every  flave  com-- 
44  mitting  fuch  offence  as  by  the  laws  ought 
**  to  bepunithed  by  death  or  lois  of  member, 
■*  (hall  be  forthwith  committed  to  thecommon- 
"  goal  of  the  county,  &c.  And  the  fheriff  of 
w  fuch  county,  upon  fuch  commitment,  fhall 
*'  forthwith  certify  the  fame,  with  the  caufe 

"  thereof^ 


C    33    1 

£<  thereof,  to  the  governor  or  commander  ia. 
*c  chief,  &c.  who  is  thereupon  defired  and  im- 
"  powered  to  iflue  a  commiffion  of  oyer  and 
€C  terminer ;  Tofuch  perfons  as  he  fli  all  think  fit ; 
"  which  perfons,  forthwith  after  the  receipt  of 
"  fuchcommiffion,areimppweredandrequir- 
cc  <ed.  to  caufethe  offender  to  be  publicly  ar- 
"  raigned  andtried,  &c.  without  the  folerani- 
fs  ty  of  ajury,&Co  Now  let  usconflder  the  dan- 
gerous tendency  of  thofe  laws.  As  Englifh- 
men,  we  flrenuoufly  contend  for  this  abfo- 
jute  and  immutable  neceffity  of  trials  by  ju- 
ries :  but  is  not  the  fpirlt  and  equity  of 
this  old  Englifh  do&rine  entirely  loft,  if  we 
partially  confine  that  juftice  to  ourfelves  a- 
lone,  when  we  have  it  in  our  power  to  ex* 
tend  it  to  others  ?  The  natural  right  of  all 
mankind  muft  principally  juftify  our  infill- 
ing upon  this  neceffary  privilege  in  favour 
of  ourfelves  in  particular,  and  therefore  if 
we  do  not  allow  that  the  judgment  of  an 
impartial  jury  is  indifpenfably  neceffary  in 
all  cafes  whatsoever,  wherein  the  life  of 
man  is  depending,  wre  certainly  undermine 
the  equitable  force  and  reafon  of  thofe  laws, 
by  which  we  ourfelves  are  prcleBed^  and  con- 
sequently are  unworthy  to  be  efteemed,  ei- 
ther Chriftians  or  Englifhmen. 

Whatever  right  the  members  of  a  pro- 
vincial affembly  may  have  to  enad  bye  laws,> 

for 


(  3^  ) 
for  particular  exigences  among  themfelves^ 
yet  in  fo  doing,  they  are  certainly  bound  in 
xiuty  to  their  fovereign,  to  obferve  mod 
firictly,  the  fundamental  principles  of  that 
conftitution,  which  his  -majefty  is  fworn  to 
maintain  ;  for  wherefoever  the  bounds  of 
the  Britifh  empire  are  extended,  there  the 
common  law  of  England  muft  of  courfe  take 
place,  and  cannot  be  fafely  fet  afid.e  by  any 
private  law  whatfoever,  becaufe  the  intro- 
duction of  an  unnatural  tyranny  muft  necef- 
farily  endanger  the  king's  dominions.  The 
many  alarming  infuiTeftions  of  flaves  in  the 
feveral  colonies,  are  fufficient  proofs  of  this. 
The  common  law  of  England  ought  there- 
fore to  be  fo  eftablifhed  in  every  province, 
as  to  include  the  refpective  bye  laws  of  each 
province  ;  inftead  of  being  by  them  excluded 
which  latter  has  been  too  much  the  cafe. 

Every  inhabitant  of  the  Britifli  colonies, 
black  as  well  as  white,  bond  as  well  as  free, 
are  undoubtedly  the  kings  fubj  efts ,  during 
their  refidence  within  the  limits  of  the  king's 
dominions,  and  as  fuch,  are  entitled  toper- 
fonal  protection,  however  bound  in  fervice 
to  their  refpective  matters.  Therefore,  when 
any  of  thefe  are  put  to  death,  "  without  the 
"  folemnity  of 'a  jury"  I  fear  that  there  is  too 
much  reafoa  to  attribute  the  guilt. of  murder ^ 
to  every  perfou  concerned  in  ordering  the 

fame,. 


r  S3  i 

lame,  or  in  confeating  thereto  ;  and  all  A 
pcrfons  are  certainly  refponfible  to  the  ki> 
and  His  laws,*  for  the  lofs  of  afubjecl.  The 
horrid  iniquity,  injuftice,  and  dangerous 
tendency  of  the  feveral  plantation  laws, 
which  I  have  quoted,  are  ib  apparent,  that 
it  is  unneceffary  for  me  to  apologize  for  the 
freedom  with  which  I  have  treated  them.  If 
fiich  laws  are  not  abfolutely  neceffary  For  the 
government  of  Haves,  the  law-makers  muft 
unavoidably  allow  themfelves  to  be  the  mod 
cruel  and  abandoned  tyrants  upon  earth,  or 
perhaps,  that  ever  were  on  earth.  On  the 
other  hand,  if  it  be  faid,  that  it  is  impofii- 
bie  to  govern  {laves  without  fiich  inhuman 
feverity  and  defccftablq  injuftice,  the  fame 
will  certainly  be  an  invincible  argument  a- 
gainft  the  leaft  toleration  of  fiavery  amongil 
chriftians,  becaufe  the  temporal  profit  of  the  ' 
planter  or  mailer,  however  lucrative,  can- 
not compensate  the  forfeiture  of  his  ever- 
lafting  welfare,  or  (at  leaft  I  may  be  allow- 
ed to  fay)  the  apparent  danger  of  fuch  a  for- 
feiture. 

Oppreffion  is  a  mod  grievous  crime;  and 
the  cries  of  thefe  much  injured  people 
(though  they  are  only  poor  ignorant  hea- 
thens) will  certainly  reach  heaven !  The 
fcriptures  (which  are  the  only  true  foundation 
of  all  laws)  denounce  a  tremendous  judg- 
ment againli  tlae  man  who  fhould  offend  e- 
D  ven 


(  34  ) 
tren  one  little  one;  "  It  were  better  for  hiite' 
"  (even  the  merciful  Saviour  of  the  world 
4t  hath  himfelf  declared)  that  amillftone  were: 
"  hanged  about  his  neck  and  he  call  into 
*c  the  lea,  than  that  he  fhould  offend  one  of 
**  thefe  little  ones.5'  Luke,  xvii.  2.  Who 
then  lhall  attempt  to  vindicate  thofe  inhu- 
man eftablilhments  of  government,  under 
which,  even  our  own  countrymen  fo  griev- 
oufly  offend  and  opprefs,  (not  merely  one,  or 
a  few  little  ones,  but)  an  irnmenfe  multi- 
tude of  theA9  women,  children,  and  the  chil- 
dren of  their  children,  from  generation  to  ge- 
neration ?  May  it  not  be  faid  with  like 
juftice^  it  were  better  for  the  Englifh  nation 
that  thefe  American  dominions  had  never 
exifted,  or  even  that  they  fhould  have  been 
junk  into  the  lea,  than  that  the  kingdom  of 
Great-Britain  fhould  be  loaded  with  the 
horrid  guilt  of  tolerating  fuch  abominable 
wickednefs  !  In  fhort,  if  the  king's  prerogative 
is  not  fpeedily  exerted  for  the  relief  of  his 
majefly's  opprefled  and  much  injured  fub- 
ie&s  in  the  Britifh  colonies  (becauic  to  relieve 
ZIm  ftibjett  from  the  oppreffion  of  petty  ty- 
rants, is  the  principal  ufe  of  the  royal  prero- 
gative, as  well  as  the  principal  and  mofl  na- 
tural means  of  maintaining  the  fame)  and  for 
I  he  extenfion  of  the  Britifh  conftitutibn  to 
thoft  diflant  colonics  whether  in  the  Eall 

or 


}    35) 
/eft  Indies,  it  muft  inevitably  he  allow- 
ed, that  great  fliare  of  this  enormous  guilt 
will  certainly  reft  on  this  fide  the  water. 

I  hope  this  hint  will  be  taken  notice  of  by 
thofe  whom  it  may  concern  ;  and  that  the 
freedom  of  it  will  be  excufed,  as  from  a  ley- 
al  and  difmtereJJed  advifer. 


D  i 


Extracts  from  the  wri tines  of  fcve 


cV 


ral  noted  Authors,  on  the  Subject  of  the 
Slavery  of  the  Negroes,  viz.  George  Wal- 
lace,   Francis  Hutchefon,  'James  Fofter. 

GEORGE  W  A  L  L  I  S,  in  his  ftf- 
tcm  of  the  principles  of  the  laws  of  Scot- 
land, fpeaking  of  the  flavery  of  the  Negroes 
in  our  colonies,  fays  "  We  all  know  that 
they  (the Negroes)  are  purchafed  from  their. 
Princes,  who  pretend  to  have  aright  todif- 
pofe  of  them,  and  that  they  are,  like  other 
commodities,  tranfported  by  the  merchants 
who  have  bought  them,  into  America,  in  or- 
der to  be  expofed  to  fale.  If  this  trade  ad- 
mits of  a  moral  or  a  rational  juftification, 
every  crime,  even  the  moft  atrocious,  may 
be  jollified-  Government  was  inftituted 
for  the  good  of  mankind ;  kings-,  princes, 
governors,  are  not  proprietors  of  thofe  who 
arc  fubject  to  their  authority  ;  they  have 
not;  a  right  to  make  them  miferable.  On  the 
contrary,  their  authority  is  vefted  in  them, 
they  may,  by  the  juft  exercife  of  it, 
the  happinefs  of  their  people.  Of 
v  have  not  a  right  to  difpofe  of 
tlieii  liberty,  them  for  flaves.  Be- 

tides, 


(     37     ) 
fides,  no  man  has  a  right  to   acquire 
purchafe  them;  msnand  their  liberty  are  not 
(in  commcrcio)  they  are  not  either  faleable  or 
purchafable.       One,    therefore,    has  nobo- 
dy but  himfelf  to  blame,  in  cafe  he  fliall  nnd 
himfelf    deprived  of    a     man,    whom    he 
thought  he    had,    by  buying  for    a  price, 
made  his   own  ;    for   he  dealt  in   a    trade 
which   was  illicit,    and   was  prohibited  by 
the  moft  obvious  dictates  of  humanity.  For 
thcfe  reafons  every  one  of  thofe  unfortunate 
men    who  are  pretended  to  be  flaves,  has  a 
right  to  be  declared  to  be  free,  for  he  never 
loft  his  liberty  ;  he   could   not  lofe  it ;  his 
prince  had  no  power  to  difpofe  of  hiin.  Qf 
courfe  the  fale  was  ipfojure  void.     This  rijg 
he  carries  about  with  him,  and  is  entitled  e 
very  where   to  get  it  declared.     As  foon> 
therefore,  as  he  comes  into   a  country  in 
which  the  judges  are  not  forgetful  of  their 
own  humanity,  it  is  their  duty  to  remem- 
ber that  he  is  a  man,  and  to  declare  him  to 
be  free.     I  know  it  has  been  faid,   that  que- 
flions  concerning  the  ftate  of  perfons  ought 
to  be  determined  by  the  law  of  the  country 
to  which  they  belong  ;  and  that,  therefore., 
one  who  would  be  declared  to  be  a  Have  ia 
America ,  ought,  in  cafe  he  fhould  happen 
to  be  imported  into  Britain^  to  be  adjudged 
%  according  to  the  law  of  America  to   be  a 
flave  )  a  doctrine  than  which  nothing  can  be 

more 


C    33    ) 

more  barbarous.     Ought  the  judges  of  any- 
country,  out  of  refpecr  to  the  law  of  ano- 
ther, to  (hew  no  refpecV  to   their  kind,  and 
?     humanity  j     out  of  refpect   to    a    law, 
which  is  in  no  fort  obligatory  upon  them, 
ought  they  to  difregard   the  law  of  nature, 
which  is  obligatory  on  all  men  at  all  times, 
and  in  all  places :  Are  any   laws  fo  binding 
as  the  eternal  laws  of  juftice  ?  Is  it  doubtful, 
whether  a  judge  ought  to  pay  greater  regard 
to  them,  than  to  thofe  arbitrary  and  inhu- 
man ufages  which  prevail  in  a  diftant  land  ? 
Aye,  but  our  colonies  would  be  ruined  if 
flavery  was  abolifhed.     Ee  it  f 0  ;  would  it 
BOt  from   thence  follow,  that  the  bulk  of 
mankind  ought  to  be  abufed,  that  our  pockets 
may  be  filled  with  money,  or  our  mouths 
with  delicacies  ?  The  purfes  of  highwaymen 
would  be  empty  in  cafe  robberies  were  to- 
tally abolifhed  ;  but  have  men  aright  to  ac- 
quire money  by  going  out  to  the  highway  ? 
Have  men  a  right  to  acquire  it  by  rendering 
their  fellow  creatures  miferable  ?  Is  it  law- 
ful to  abufe  mankind,  that  the  avarice,  the 
vanity,  or  the  paffions  of  a  few  may  be  gra- 
tified r  No  !  There  is  fuch  a  thing  as  juftice, 
to  which  the  moft  facred  regard  is  due.     It 
ought  to  be  inviolably  obferved.     Have  not 
thefe  unhappy  men  a  better  right  to  their  li- 
berty, and  to  their  happinefs,  than  our  A- 
merican  merchants  have  to. the  profits  which 
they  make  by  torturing  their   kind?    Let 

thereto 


(     39    ) 

therefore  our  colonies  be  ruined,  but  let  us 
not  render  fo  many  men  miferable.  Would 

not  any  of  us,  who  fhould be  fnatched 

by  pirates  from  his  native  land,  think  him- 
felf  cruelly  abufed,  and  at  all  times  entitled 
to  be  free.  Have  not  thefe  unfortunate  Afri- 
cans ^  who  meet  with  the  fame  cruel  fate, 
the  fame  right  ?  Are  not  they  men  as  well 
as  we,  and  have  they  not  the  fame  fenfibili- 
ty  ?  Let  us  not,  therefore,  defend  or  fup- 
port  a  ufage  which  is  contrary  to  all  the 
laws  of  humanity. 

But  it  is  falfe,  that  either  we  or  our  co- 
lonies would  be  ruined  by  the  abolition  of 
ilavery.  It  might  occafion  a  ftagnation  of 
bufinefs  for  a  fhort  time.  Every  great  al- 
teration produces  that  effeft ;  becaufe  man- 
kind cannot,  on  a  fudden,  find  ways  of  dif- 
pofing  of  themfelves  and  of  their  affairs  : 
But  it  would  produce  many  happy  effe&s. 
It  is  the  flavery  which  is  permitted  in  Ameri- 
ca that  has  hindered  it  from  becoming  fo 
foon  populous  as  it  would  otherwife 
have  done.  Let  the  Negroes  free,  and  in  a 
few  generations,  this  vail  and  fertile  conti- 
nent would  be  crowded  with  inhabitants  j 
learning,  arts,  and  every  thing  would  flou- 
rifh  amongft  them  ;  inflead  of  being  inha- 
bited by  wild  beafts,  and  by  favages,  it 
would  be  peopled  by  philofophers,  and  by 
men/- 

Francis 


C     4*    ) 

Francis  Hutchefon  profeflbr  of  philofphy, 
at  theuniverfity  of  Glafcow,  in  Ymfyjlem  of 
moral  philofophy,  page  211,  fays,  "  He  who 
detains  another  by  force  in  flavery,  is  always 
bound  to  prove  his  title.  The  flave  fold  or 
carried  into  a  diftant  country  muft  not  be 
obliged  to  prove  a  negative,  that  he  never 
forfeited  his  liberty.  The  violent  poffeffor 
muft  in  all  cafes  foew  his  title,  efpecially 
where  the  old  proprietor  is  well  known.  In 
this  cafe  each  man  is  the  original  proprietor 
of  his  own  liberty.  The  proof  of  his  loiing 
it  muft  be  incumbent  on  thofe  who  deprive 
him  of  it  by  force.  The  Jewifh  laws  had 
great  regard  to  juftice,  about  the  fervitude 
of  Hebrews^  founding  it  only  on  confent  or 
fome  crime  or  damage,  allowing  them  al- 
ways a  proper  redrefs  upon  any  cruel  treat- 
ment ;  and  fixing  a  limited  time  for  it,  un~ 
lefs  upon  trial  the  fervant  inclined  to  prolong 
it.  The  laws  about  foreign  flaves  had  ma- 
ny merciful  provifions  againft  immoderate 
feverity  of  the  mafters.  But  under  chrifti- 
anity,  whatever  lenity  was  due  from  an  He- 
brew towards  his  country  man  muft  be  due 
towards  all ;  fince  the  diftinclions  of  nati- 
ons are  removed,  as  to  the  point  of  huma- 
nity and  mercy,  as  well  as  natural  right, 
nay  fome  of  thefe  rights,  granted  over  fo- 
reign flaves  may  juftly  be  deemed  only  fuch 
indulgences,  as  thofe  of  poligamy  and  di- 
vorce^ 


(    41     ) 

vorce,  granting  only  external  impunity  in 
fuch  practice,  and  not  fufficient  vindication 
of  them  in  confcience." 

Page  ?5>  lt>s  P^aded  that,  u  In  fome 
barbarous  nations  unlefs  the  captives  were 
brought  far  flaves  they  would  all  be  mur- 
thered.  They  therefore  owe  their  lives, 
and  all  they  can  do,  to  their  purchasers  ;  and 
fo  do  their  children,  who  would  not  other- 
wife  have  come  into  life  :  But  this  whole 
plea  is  no  more  than  that  of  the  negotium  uti- 
le geflum^  to  which  any  civilized  nation  is 
bound  by  humanity,  'tis  a  prudent  expen- 
five  office  done  for  the  fervice  of  others  with- 
out a  gratuitous  intention  ;  and  this  founds 
no  other  right  than  that  to  full  compenfati- 
on  of  all  charges  and  labour  employed  for 
the  benefit  of  others. 

Afet  of  inaccurate  popular  phrafes,  blind 
us  in  thefe  matters,  captives  owe  their 
lives,  and  all  to  the  purchafers,  fay  they. 
Juft  in  the  fame  manner,  we,  our  nobles, 
2nd  princes,  often  owe  our  lives  to  mid- 
vaves,  chirurgcons,  phyficians,dn\  one  who 
was  the  means  of  preferring  a  man's  life  h 
not  therefore  entitled  to  make  him  a  Have, 
and  fell  him  as  a  piece  of  goods.  Strange 
that  in  any  nation  where  a  fcnCe  of  liberty 
prevails,  where  the  chriftian  religion  is  pro- 
fefled,  cuftom  and  high  profpecb  of  gain 
can  {o  ftupify  the  conscience  of  men,  and 

al 


C   42   > 

all  fenfe  of  natural  juftice,  that  they  cart 
hear  fuch  computations  made  about  the  va- 
lue of  their  fellow-men,  and  their  liberty, 
without  abhorrence  and  indignation. 

James  Fojter,  T).  D.  in  his  difcourfes  on  na- 
tural religion  and  jocial virtue,  alfo  fhews  his 
juft  indignation  at  this  wicked  practice, 
which  he  declares  to  be  ''a  criminal  and  out- 
rageous violation  of  the  natural  right  of  man- 
kind."  At  page  156,  2  vol.  he  fays,  "  Should 
we  have  read  concerning  the  Greeks  or  Ro- 
mans of  old,  that  they  traded,  with  view  to 
make  fiaves  of  their  own  fpecies,  whom  they 
certainly  knew  that  this  would  involve  in 
fchemes  of  blood  and  murther,  of  deftroyr 
ing,  or  enflaving  each  other,  that  they  even 
fomented  wars,  and  en^ap-ed  who!?  Q&tyQRJ 
and  tubes  in  open  hoftilities,  for  their  pwn 
private  advantage  ^  that  they  had  no  detef- 
tation  of  the  violence  and  cruelty  ;  but  on- 
ly feared  the  ill  fuccefs  of  their  inhuman  en- 
terprifes  ;  that  they  carried  men  like  them- 
felves,  their  brethren,  and  the  off-fpring  of 
the  fame  common  parent,  to  be  fold  like 
beafts  of  prey,  or  beafts  of  burden,  and  put 
them  to  the  fame  reproachful  trial,  of  their 
foundnefs,  ftrength  and  capacity  for  great- 
er bodily  fervice  ;  that  quite  forgeting,  and 
renouncing,  the  original  dignity  of  hi:: 
nature,  communicated  to  all,  they  treated 
them  with   more  feverity  and  ruder  difci- 

plinCj 


(    43    ) 

pline,  than  £ven  thee*  or  the  afs>  who  are 

-void  of  under]} anding fhould  we   not  if 

this  had  been  the  cafe,  have  naturally  been 
led  to  defpife  all  their  pretended  refinements  of 
morality ;  and  to  have  concluded,  that  as 
they  were  not  nations  deftitute  of  politenefs, 
they  mull  have  been  entire  Ji  rangers  to  virtue 
and  benevolence. 

But,  notwithstanding  this,  we  ourfelves 
(^vho  profefs  to  be  chriflians,  and  boaft  of  the 
peculiar  advantage  we  enjoy,  by  means  of  an 
exprefs  revelation  of  our  duty  from  heaven) 
are  in  effect,  thefe  very  untaught  and  rude 
heathen  countries.  With  all  our  fuperiof 
light,  we  inftil  into  thofe,  whom  we  call  fa- 
•vage  and  barbarous,  the  moft  defpicable  o- 
pinion  of  human  nature.  We,  to  the  ut- 
moft  of  our  power,  weaken  and  diffolve  the 
univerfal  tie,  that  binds  and  unites  mankind. 
We  practice  what  we  fhould  exclaim  againft, 
as  the  utmoiiexcefs  of  cruelty  and  tyrann  r, 
if  nations  of  the  world,  differing  in  colour, 
and  form  of  government  from  ourfelves, 
were  fo  pofleffed  of  empire,  as  to  be  able  to 
reduce  us  to  a  ftate  of  unmerited  and  bra- 
tiih  fervitude.  Of  confequence  we  facri- 
fice  our  reaibn,  our  humanity,  our  chriiH- 
anity  to  an  unnatural  fordid  gain.  We 
teach  other  nations  to  defpife  and  trample 
under  foot,  all  the  obligations  of  fecial  vir- 
tue.    We  take  the  moft  cffo&ual  method 

to 


(    44    ) 
to  prerent  the  propagation    of  the  gofpel, 
by  reprefenting  it  as  afcheme  of  power  and 
barbarous  oppreffion,  and  an  enemy  to  the 
natural  privileges  and  rights  of  men. 

Perhaps  all,  that  I  have  now  offered,  may 
be  of  very  little  weight  to  reftrain  this  enor- 
mity, this  aggravated  iniquity.  However 
I  dill  have  the  fatisfacrioa,  of  having  enter- 
ed my  private  proteft  againft  a  practice 
which,  in  my  opinion,  bids  that  God,  who 
is  the  God  and  Father  of  the  Gentiles,  un- 
converted to  chriftianity,  moft  daring  and 
bold  defiance,  and  fpurns  at  all  the  principles 
both  of  natural  and  revealed  religion. 


EXTRACT 


EXTRACT 

From  an  ADDRESS 


I   :;      the 


VIRGINIA     GAZETTE, 

of  March    19,   1767. 


Mr.  RIND, 

PERMIT  me,  in  your  paper,  to  addreis 
the  members  of  our  affembly,  on  two 
points,  in  which  the  public  intereft  is  very 
nearly  concerned. 

The  abolition  of  flavery  and  the  retriev- 
al of  fpecie  in  this  colony,  are  the  fubjeccs  en 
which  I  would  befpeak  their  attention. ■ 

Long  and  ferious  reflections  upon  the  na- 
ture and  confequences  of  flavery  have  con- 
vinced me,  that  it  is  a  violation  both  of  jlif- 
tice  and  religion  ;  that  it  is  dangerous  to 
the  fafety  of  the  community  in  which  it 
prevails  ;  that  it  is  deftru&ive  to  the  growth 
of  arts  and  fciences  ;  and  laftly,  that  it  pro- 
duces a  numerous  and  very  fatal  train  of 
vices,  both  in  the  flave,  and  in  his  matter. 

To  prove  thefe  aflertions,  fliali  be  the  pur- 
pofe  of  the  following  effay. 

That  flavery  then  is  a  violation  of  juftice, 
E  will 


(  45  ) 
will  plainly  appear,  when  we  confider  what 
juftice  is.  It  is  truly  and  limply  defined, 
as  by  Jujliman,  conftans  et  perpetua  voluntas^ 
ejus  fuunv  cuique  tribuendi ;  a  conftant  endea- 
vour to  give  every  man  his  right. 

Now.  as  freedom  is  unqueftionably  the 
birthright  of  all  mankind,  Africans  as  well 
as  Europeans,  to  keep  the  former  in  a  ftate 
of  flavery,  is  a  con'ftant  violation  of  that 
right,  and  therefore  of  juftice. 

The  ground  on  which  the  civilians, who 
favour  flavery,  admit  it  to  be  juft  ;  namely, 
confent,  force  and  birth,  is  totally  difputa-' 
ble.  For  furely  a  man's  own  will  and  con- 
fent, cannot  be  allowed  to  introduce  fo  im- 
portant an  innovation  into  fociety  as  flave- 
ry, or<to  make  himfelf  an  outlaw,  which  is 
really  the  ftate  of  a  Have,  fince  neither  con- 
senting to,  nor  aiding  the  laws  of  the  fociety, 
in  which  he  lives,  he  is  neither  bound  to  o- 
bey  them,  nor  entitled  to  their  protection. 
*  To  found  any  right  in  force,  is  to  frus- 
trate ail  right,  and  involve  every  thing  in 
cdnfufion,  violence  and  rapine.  With  thefe 
two  the  laft  muft  fall,  fince  if  the  parent 
cannot  juftly  be  made  a  flave,  neither  can 
riie  child  be  born  in  flavery.  "  The  law  of 
nations,  fays  b^ron  Montefquieu,  has  doom- 
ed prifoners  to  flavery,  to  prevent  their  be- 
ing flain ;  the  Roman  civil  law,  permitted 
debtors  whom  their   creditors  might  treat 

in; 


(  ¥  ) 

ill,  to  fell  themfelves.  And  the  law  of  n^ 
t-ure  requires  that  children,  whom  their 
parents  being  flaves  cannot  maintain, 
fhould  be  Haves  like  them.  Thefe  reafons  of 
fche  civilians  are  not  juft,  it  is  not  true  that 
a  captive  may  be  flain,  unlefs  in  a  cafe  of 
abfolute  neceffity ;  but  if  he  hath  been  re- 
duced to  flavery,  it  is  plain  that  no  fuch  ne- 
ceffity exifted,  fincehe  was  not  flain.  It  is 
Hot  true  that  a  free  man  can  fell  himfelf,  for 
fale  fuppofes  a  price,  but  a  flave  and  his  pro- 
perty becomes  immediately  that  of  his  maf- 
ter,  the  Have  can  therefore  receive  no 
price,  nor  the  mailer  pay,  &c.  And  if  a 
man  cannot  fell  himfelf,  nor  a  prifoner  of 
war  be  reduced  to  flavery,  much  lefs  can  his 
child."  Such  are  the  fentiments  of  this  il- 
luftrious  civilian  ;  his  reafonings,  which  I 
have  been  obliged  to  contract,  the  reader  in- 
terefted  in  this  fubject,  will  do  well-to  con- 
fult  at  large. 

Yet  even  thefe  rights  of  impoikig  flavery^ 
queftionable,  nay  refutable  as  they  are,  we 
have  not  to  authorize  the  bondage  of  the 
Africans.  For  neither  do  they  confent  to  be 
our  flaves,  nor  do  we  purchafe  them  of  their 
conquerors.  The  Britifh  merchants  obtain 
them  from  Africa  by  violence,  artifice  and 
treachery,  with  a  few  trinkets  to  prompt 
thofe  unfortunate****peop!e  to  enflave  one 
another  by  force  or  ilratagem.     Purchafe 

them 


(  47  ) 
them  indeed  they  may,  under  the  authori- 
ty of  an  act  of  the  Britifh  parliament.  An 
act  entailing  upon  the  Africans,  with  whom 
we  are  not  at  war,  and  over  whom  a  Britifh 
parliament  could  not  of  right  aflume  even  a 
ihadow  of  authority,  the  dreadful  curfe  of 
perpetual  flavery,  upon  them  and  their  chil- 
dren for  ever.  There  cannot  he  in  nat 
there  is  not  in  all  kijlory,  an  in  fiance  in  which 
every  right  of  men  is  more  flagrantly  violated. 
The  laws  of  the  antients  never  authorized 
the  making  Haves,  but  of  thofe  nations 
whom  they  had  conquered  ;  yet  they  were 
heathens  and  we  are  chriitians.  They  were 
milled  by  a  monftrous  religion,  di veiled  of 
humanity,  by  a  horrible  and  barbarous  vvor- 
fhip  ;  we  are  direfted  by  the  unerring  pre- 
cepts of  the  revealed  religion  we  pofleis,  en- 
Kghtned  by  its  wifdom,  and  humanized  by 
its  benevolence  ;  before  them  were  gods  de- 
formed with  paffions,  and  horrible  for  eve- 
ry cruelty  and  vice  ;  before  us  is  that  in- 
comparable pattern  of  meeknefs,  charity, 
love  and  juftice  to  mankind,  which  fo  tran- 
icendently  diftinguifhed  the  founder  of  chri- 
ftianity  and  his  ever  amiable  doclrines. 

Reader,  remember  that  the  corner  ftone 
of  your  religion  is  to  do  unto  others  as  you 
would  they  ihould  do  unto  you  ;  afk  then 
your  own  heart  whether  it  would  not  ab- 
hor any  one,  as  the  mod  outrageous  viola- 
tor 


(  48  ) 
tor  of  that  and  every  other  principle  of  right, 
juftice  and  humanity,  who  fhould  make  a 
flave  of  you  and  your  pofterity  for  ever. 
Remember  that  God  knoweth  the  heart,  lay 
not  this  flattering  unction  to  your  foul,  that 
it  is  the  cuftom  of  the  country  ;  that  you 
found  it  fo  :  that  not  your  will  but  your  ne- 
ceffity  confents.  Ah!  think  how  little  fuck 
an  excufe  will  avail  you  in  that  awful  day, 
when  your  Saviour  fhall  pronounce  judg- 
ment on  you  for  breaking  a  law  too  plain  to 
be  mifunderftbod,  too  facred  to  be  violated* 
If  we  fay  we  are  chriftians,  yet  act  more  in- 
humanly and  unjuftly  than  heathens,  with 
what  dreadful  juftice  muft  this  fentence  of 
our  bleffed  Saviour  fall  upon  us  :  "  Not  e- 
very  one  that  faith  unto  me  Lord,  Lord, 
fhall  enter  into  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  but 
he  that  doth  the  will  of  my  father  which  is 
in  heaven."  (Matthew  vii.  21.)  Think 
a  moment  how  much  your  temporal,  your 
eternal  welfare  depends  upon  an  abolition 
of  a  practice,  which  deforms  the  image  of 
your  God,  tramples  on  his  revealed  will,. 
infringes  the  moil  facred  rights,  and  vio* 
lates  humanity. 

Enough  I  hope  has  been  afferted  to  prove 
that  flavery  is  a  violation  of  juftice  and  re- 
ligion ^  That  it  is  dangerous  to  thq  fafety 
of  the  ftate  in  which  it  prevails,  may  be  as 
fafely  afferted.. 

What 


(     49     ) 

What  one's  own  experiencehas  not  taught^ 
that  of  others  muft  decide.  From  hence 
does  hiftory  derive  its  utility  ;  for  being, 
when  truly  written,  a  faithful  record  of  the 
tranfactions  of  mankind,  and  the  confe- 
quences  that  flowed  from  them,  we  are  thence 
furnilhed  with  the  means  of  judging  what 
will  he  the  probable  effect  of  tranfactions  fi- 
milar  among  ourfelves. 

We  learn  then  from  hiftory,  that  flavery, 
wherever  encouraged,  has  fooner  or  later 
been  productive  of  very  dangerous  commo- 
tions. I  will  not  trouble  my  reader  here 
with  quotations  in  fupport  of  this  affertion, 
but  content  myfelf  with  referring  thofe  who- 
may  be  dubious  of  its  truth,  to  the  hiftories 
of  Athens ',  Lacedemon,  Rome*  and  Spain. 

How  long,  how  bloody  and  destructive 
was  the  conteit  between  the  Moorifh  flaves, 
and  the  native  Spaniards  ?  and  after  almoft 
deluges  of  blood  had  been  flied  the  Spaniards 
obtained  nothing  more,  than  driving  them 
into  the  mountains. Lefs  bloody  in- 
deed, thoJ  not  lefs  alarming  have  been  the 
infurreclioris  in  Jamaica  ;  and  to  imagine 
that  we  fhall  be  for  ever  exempted  from  this 
calamity,  which  experience  teaches  us  to  be 
infeparable  from  flavery,  fo  encouraged,  is 
an  infatuation  as  aftonifhing  as  it  will  be 
furely  fatal. &c,  &c. 

EXTRACT 


EXTRACT 


O  F     A 


S     E    R     M     O     N, 


PREACHED    BY     THE 

BISHOP    of    GLOUCESTER, 

ESefore  the  Society  for  the  Propagation 
of  the   Gospel,      at    their  anniverfary 
.  meeting,  on  the  21  ft  of  February,   17^6. 

FROM  the  free-favages  I  now  come 
(the  laft  point  I  propofe  to  confider)  to 
the  favages  in  bonds-  By  thefe  I  mean  the 
vaft  multitudes  yearly  ftolen  from  the  oppo- 
fite  continent,  and  facrificed  by  the  colo- 
nifts  to  their  great  idol,  the  God  of  Gain. 
But  what  then,  fay  thefe  fincere  worfhip- 
pers  of  Mammon,  they  are  our  own  property, 
which  we  offer  up.  Gracious  God!  to  talk 
(as  in  herds  of  cattle)  of  property  in  rational 
creatures  !  creatures  endowed  with  all  our 
faculties,  pofleffing  all  our  qualities  but  that 
of  colour  j  our  brethren  both  by  nature  and 

grace. 


-  (  5i  ) 
grace,  ftiocks  all  the  feelings  of  humanity, 
and  the  dictates  of  common  fenfe.  But,  a- 
las!  what  is  there  in  the  infinite  abufes  of 
fociety  which  does  not  fhock  them  ?  Yet 
nothing  is  more  certain  in  itfelf,  and  appa- 
rent to  all,  than  that  the  infamous  traffic 
for  flaves  directly  infringes  botk  divine  andr 
human  law.  Nature  created  man  free;, 
and  grace  invites  him  to  *iffert  his  freedom. 
In  excufe  of  this  violation,  it  hath  been 
pretended,  that  though  indeed  thefe  mife- 
rable  outcafts  of  humanity  be  torn  from* 
their  homes  and  native  country  by  fraud 
and  violence,  yet  they  thereby  become  the; 
happier,  and  their  condition  the  more  eligi- 
ble. But  who  are  You,  who  pretend  to 
judge  of  another  man's  happinefs  ?  That: 
ftate,  which  each  man,  under  the  guidance 
of  his  maker,  forms  for  himfelf;  and  not 
one  man  for  another.  To  know  what  con- 
stitutes mine  or  your  happinefs,  is  the  fole 
prerogative  of  him  who  created  us,  and  caft 
us  in  fo  various  and  different  moulds.  Did 
your  flaves  ever  complain  to  you  of  their 
unhappinefs  amidil  their  native  woods  and 
defarts  ?  Or,  rather,  let  me  aik,  did  they 
ever  ceafe  complaining  of  their  condition 
under  you  their  lordly  mailers  ?  where  they 
fee,  indeed,  the  accommodations  of  civil 
life,  but  fee  them  all  pafs  to  others,  them- 
felves,  unbenefited  by  them.  Be  fo  graci- 
ous 


(  ft  ) 

T)us  then,  ye  petty  tyrants  over  Iranian  free- 
dom, to  let  your  Haves  judge  for  themfeves, 
what  it  is  which  makes  their  own  happinefs. 
And  then  fee  whether  they  do  not  place  it 
in  the  return  to  their  own  country,  rather 
than  in  the  contemplation  of  your  grandeur, 
of  which  their  miicry  makes  ib  large  a  part. 
A  return  lb  pafilonately  longed  for,  that 
defpairing  of  happinefs  here,  that  is,  of  e- 
fcaping  the  chains  of  their  cruel  talk  mailers, 
they  confole  themfelve^s  with  feigning  it  to 
be  the  gracious  reward  of  heaven  in  their 
future  ftate ;  which  I  do  not  find  their 
haughty  mafters  have  as  yet  concerned  them- 
felvcs  to  invade.  The  lefs  hardy  indeed 
wait  for  this  felicity  till  overwearied  nature 
lets  them  free  ;  but  the  more  refolved  have 
recourfe  even  to  felf- violence,  to  force  a  fpec- 
dier  pafTage. 

But  it  will  be  Hill  urged,  that  though 
what  is  called  human  happinefs  be  of  fo  fan- 
taftic  a  nature,  that  each  man's  imagination 
creates  it  for  himfelf,  yet  human  mifery  is 
more  fubftantial  and  uniform  throughout 
all  the  tribes  of  mankind.  Now,  from  the 
worll  of  human  miieries,  the  favage  Africans 
by  thefe  forced  emigrations,  are  intirely  fe- 
cured,  fuch  as  the  being  perpetually  hunted 
down  like  beafts  of  prey  or  profit,  by  their 
more  favage  and  powerful  neighbours — In 

truth, 


C  53  ) 
truth,  a  bleffed  change  ! — from  beincr  hi 
ed  to  being  caught.  But  who  are  they  that 
nave  fet  on  foot  this  general  Hunting? 
Are  they  not  thefe  very  civilized  vio- 
lators of  humanity  themfelves  ?  who  temps 
the  weak  appetites,  and  provoke  the  wild 
paffions  of  the  fiercer  lavages  to  prey  udoh 
the  reft" 


THE    E  N  P, 


I     N     D     E     X. 


A 
/ID  ANSON  (M.)  his  account  of  the  country 
yj^    on  the  rivers  Senegal  and  Gambia,    14.       Extra- 
ordinary fertility,  ibid.     Surprising  vegetation, 
15.     Beautiful    afpecl  of  the  country,    16.     Good 
difpofition  of. the  natives,  ibid. 
AAvcrtifements  in  the  New-Tori  journal 9  for  the  fale  of 
fiaves,  part  ii.    14.     Alfo  in    the   news  papers    of 
London,  p.  ii.    16. 
Africa,  that  part  from  whence  the  Negroe  fiaves   are 
brought;  how  divided,  6.     Capable  of  a -confider- 
able  trade,   143. 
Alien,  (every)  or    ftranger  coming  within  the   kings 

dominion  becomes  a  fubjecl,  p.  ii,  4. 
Ancienteft  account  of  the  Negroes,  41.     Were    thca 

a  fimple  innocent  people,  43. 
Angola,  a  plentiful   country,   39.      Character  of  the 
natives,  40.     Government,  ibid. 
B 

BARB  ADO  E  S,  (laws   of)   refpefting  Negroe 
fiaves,  p.  ii,   26. 
Barbot,   [John)    agent   general   of  the   French    African 
company,  his  account  of  the  Gold-Goaf,  25.     Of  the 
S lave- Goaf ,   27. 
Bofman  [William)    principal  factor  for  the  Dutch,    af: 
D'Elmina,  his    account  of  the  Gold-Goaf,  23.     Of 
the  Slave-Goaf.    27. 
Brae  [Andrew)  principal    factor  of  the  French  African 
company,  his    account  of  the  country  on  the  river 
Senegal,  7.     And  on  the  river  Gambia,  8. 

Benin 


The    I  N  d  ex. 

.  'kingdom  of^  goccl  characre%k>f  the  na 
Pimifhment  of  crimes,    ;6.      Order  of   government," 
.     Largcnefs  and  order  of  the  city  of  Grem 

•    ol- 
Britain;  (ancient]  in  th€:r  ordinal  Rate  no  lefs  barba- 
rous than  the  4ft  68. 
Baxter  [Richard)  his   teftimony   again  ft  flaverv,  8;. 
C   ' 

CORRUPTION  of  fome    of  the   kings  of 
Guinea,   107. 

D 

DE  la  Cafa    (bifhop    of  Chap: a)  his  concern  for  the 
ms,   47.      His   fpeech  to  Charles   the 
emperor  cf  Germany  aod  king  of  Spain,   48.      Pro- 
digious deftruvfrion  of  the  Indians  in  Hifpaniola,  yt* 
r,  in    every    man,   its   effe&s    on   thole 
■who  obey  its  dictates,   14. 
E 

ELIZABETH    (queen)  her   caution  to  cap- 
tain Hawkins,    not  to  enflave  any  of  the    Ne- 
•  groes,    55. 

h,   their  firft    trade  on  the  coaft  of   Guinea,   52. 
Europe. v-;  are   the  principal  caufe  of  the  wars  which. 

fubfift  amongft  the  Negroes,   61 . 
Engliih  laws,   allows  no  man,  of   what  condition  fo- 
ever   to  be  deprived  of  his  liberty,   without  a  legal 
procefs,  p.ii,  6.  The  danger  of  confining  any  pericn 
without   a  warrant,  p.  ii,   18. 
F 

FISHING,  a  confiderablebufmefs  on  the  Gui- 
nea coaft,   26.     How  carried  0 

his   teftimony  againft  llavery,  p.   ii,   42. 
Negroes  good   farmers,     10.     Thofeon  xhz Gam- 
bia particularly  recommended  for  their  induftry  and 
good  behaviour,  ; 

.  (king  of)  objects    to  the  Negroes,  in  his  domi- 
nions, being  reduced  to  a  ftate  of  flavery,  58. 

G 


The    I  n  d  E  x* 

A*  A  MB  I A  (rCer)  8,  14. 

VJ  Cloacejier  bifliop  of)  extras  of  his  fermon,  p. 
ii,   50. 

Godivyn  [Morgan)  his  plea  in  favour  of  the  Kegroes 
and  Indians,  75.  Complains  of  the  cruelties  ex- 
ercifed  upon  flaves,  76.  A  falfe  opinion  prevailed 
in  his  time,  that  the  Negroes  were  not  objecls  of  re- 
deeming grace,   77. 

Gold-Coaft,  has  feveral  European  factories,  22  J 
Great  trade  for  ilaves,  22.  Carried  on  far  in  the 
inland  country,  ibid.  Natives  more  reconciled  to 
the  Europeans  ;  and  Raore  diligent  in  procuring 
flaves,  22.  Extraordinary  fruitful  and  agreeable, 
22,   25.     The  natives induflrious,   24. 

Great-Britain,  all  perfons  during  their  reildence  there 
are   the  king's  fubjecls,  p.  ii,  4. 

Guinea,  extraordinary  fertile,   2.      Extreamly  unheal- 
thy  to    the  Europeans,   4.     But  agrees   well  with 
the    natives,    ibid.     Prodigious    raiiing  of  waters,. 
ibid.     Hot  winds,  ibid.     Surprising  vegetation,    1.5. 
H 

HA  IV  KJ  N  S  (captain)    lands    on  the   coaft  of 
Guinea  and  feizes  on  a  number  of  the  natives,, 
which  he  fells  to  the  Spaniards,   5-. 

Hottentots  mifreprefented  by  authors,  10 1.  True  ac- 
count given  of  thefe  people  by  Kolben,  102. 
Love  of  liberty  and  floth  their  prevailing  paffions, 
302.  Diftinguiftied  by  feverai  virtues,  103.  Firm 
in  alliances,  ibid.  Offended  at  the  vices  pre-domi- 
nant  among  ft  chriftians,  104.  Make  nor  keep  no 
flaves,  ibid. 

Hughei  (Griffith)  his  account  of  the  number  of  Ne- 
groes in  Barbadoes,  85.  Speaks  well  of  their  na- 
tural capacities,  86. 

Hufbandry  of  the  Negroes,  carried  on  in  common,. 
28. 

Hutcbefon  (Francis)  his  declaration  againft  fiave:\v 
p.  ii,  40. 

V  JALOF 


The  Index. 
I 

J   A  L  0  F  (Negroes)   their   government,  9. 
Indians  grievoufly  oppreffed  by  the  Spaniards,  47. 
Their  caufe  pleaded  by  Bartholemew    De  la  Cafa, 

48. 

Inland  people  good  account  of  them,  25. 

Ivory  Coajiy  fertile,  &c.  18.  Natives  falfely  repre- 
fented  to  be  atreacherous  people,  ibid.  Kind  when 
•well  ufed,  19.  Have  no  European  factories  amongft 
them,  21.  And  but  few  wars  ;  therefore  few  flaves 
to  be  had  there,  22. 

Jury,  Negroes  tried  and  condemned  without  the   fo- 
lemnity  of    a  jury,  p.  ii.    30.     Highly   repugnant 
to  the  Englifh  conftitution,  p.  ii.  32.     Dangerous 
to  thofe  concerned  therein,  ibid. 
L 

LAWS,  (in  Guinea)  fevere  againft  man-ftealing 
and  other  crimes,   106. 
M 

MA  N D  1 G  0  E   (Negroes)  a  numerous  nation, 
11.  Great  traders,  ibid.  Laborious,   11.  Their 
government,  13.     Their  worfhip,  ibid.     Manner  of 
tillage,  ibid.     At  Galem  they  fuffer  none  to  be  made 
Haves,  but  criminals,  20. 
Malayensy  (a    black   people)  fometimes  fold  amongft 

Negroes,  brought  from  very  diftant  parts,  27. 
Markets  regularly  kept  on  the  Gold  and  Slav e-Coafts,  30. 
Montefquieu  his  fentiments  on  flavery,  72. 
Moor    [Francis)  factor    to  the    African    company,  his 
account  of  the  flavetradeon  the  river  Gambia,  in. 
Mofaic  law    merciful    in  its  chaftifements,  73  %     Has 
refpecl:  to  human  nature,  ibid. 
N 

NATIONAL  wars  difapproved  by  the  mofr 
confiderate  amongft  the  Negroes,  no. 
Negroes   (in     Guinea)   generally  a  humane,    fociable 
people,   2.      Simplicity  of  their  way  of  living,   £. 
Agreeable  in  converfation,  16.  Senfible  of  the  da- 
mage. 


The   Index. 

mage  accruing  to  them  from  the  flave  trade,  6f. 
Miireprefented  by  moft  authors,  98.  Offended  at 
the  brutality  of  the  European  factors,  116.  Shock- 
ing cruelties  exercifed  on  them  by  mafters  of  vef- 
fels,  124.  How  many  are  yearly  brought  from 
Guinea  by  the  JEnglifn,  129.  The  numbers  who 
die  on  the  paflage  and  in  the  feafoning,   1.20. 

ffegroe  flaves  (in  the  colonies)  allowed  to  cohabif  and 
ieparate  at  pleafure,  36.  Great  wafte  of  them, 
thro'  hard  ufage  in  the  iflands,  §6.  Melancholly 
cafe  of  two  of  them,  236.  Propofals  for  fetting 
them  free,  129.  Tried  and  condemned  without 
the  folemnity  of  a  jury,  p.  ii.  30. 

Negroes    (free)  difcouragement  they  meet  with,   133. 
P 

PORTUGUESE  carry  on  a  great  track   for 
flaves  at  Angola,  40.     Make  the  firft  incurfions 
into  Guinea,   44.     From  whence  they  carry    off 
fome  of  the  natives,  ibid.     Beginners  of  the  flave 
trade,  46.     Erect  the  firft  fort  at  D'Elmina. 
R 

ROME    (the  college    of  cardinals  at)  complain 
of  the   abufe  offered  to  the  Negroes   in  felling 
them  for  flaves,  58. 

S 

SENEGAL  (river)  account  of,.  7,  14. 
Ship  (account  of  one)  blown  up  on  the  coaft  of 
Guinea  with  a  number  of  Negroes  on  board,  125. 
Slave  trade  how  carried  on,  at  the  river  Gambia, 
in.  And  in  other  parts  of  Guinea,  113.  At 
Whidah,  115. 
Slaves,  ufed  with  much  more  lenity  in  Algiers  and  in 
Turkey  than  in  our  colonies,  70,  Likewife  in 
Guinea,  71.  Slavery  more  tolerable  amongft  the 
ancient  Pagans  than  in  our  colonies,  6^.  Declin- 
ed as  chriftianity  prevailed,  65.  Early  laws  in 
France,  for  its  abolifhment,  66.  Ifputanend  to 
would  make  way  for   a  very  extenfiYe  trade  thro' 

Africa/ 


The  Inde  x. 

Africa.   143.     The  danger  of  flavery  taking   place 
in  England,  p.   ii,   20. 

fir  Hans)  his    account  of  the   inhuman  and  ex- 
travagant pumihments  inflicted  on  Negroes,   89. 

{William)  furveyor    to  the    African     company, . 
his  account  of  the  Ivory-Coaft,   20.     Of  the  Gold- 
Coaft,   24. 

U 

VI RG  I N I A  (laws)  refpectlng  Negroe  flaves,.  p. 
ii.  28. 

ria     (addrefs   to    the  affembly)    fetting  forth  the 
inicuitv  and  danger  of  flavery,    p.  ii,  45. 
W 
\J7JLLIS    {George)   his    teftimony    againft  flave- 
V  V     ry,  p.   ii,    36. 

r,  white    people   able  to  perform  the  necefTa- 
ry  work  there,    141. 

■  h    (kingdom   of)    agreeable     and  fruitful,      27. 
Fatives  treat  one  another  with  refpetf,  29. 


*4 

//  2. 


/z 


9' 


II 


>    .  I  ■  ' 


3fc$ 


Wkh 


